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The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 07 of 12)

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§ 12. On the Animal Embodiments of the Corn-spirit

Sacramental character of the harvest-supper.

So much for the animal embodiments of the corn-spirit as they are presented to us in the folk-customs of Northern Europe. These customs bring out clearly the sacramental character of the harvest-supper. The corn-spirit is conceived as embodied in an animal; this divine animal is slain, and its flesh and blood are partaken of by the harvesters. Thus, the cock, the goose, the hare, the cat, the goat, and the ox are eaten sacramentally by the harvesters, and the pig is eaten sacramentally by ploughmen in spring.992 Again, as a substitute for the real flesh of the divine being, bread or dumplings are made in his image and eaten sacramentally; thus, pig-shaped dumplings are eaten by the harvesters, and loaves made in boar-shape (the Yule Boar) are eaten in spring by the ploughman and his cattle.

Parallelism between the conceptions of the corn-spirit in human and animal forms.

The reader has probably remarked the complete parallelism between the conceptions of the corn-spirit in human and in animal form. The parallel may be here briefly resumed. When the corn waves in the wind it is said either that the Corn-mother or that the Corn-wolf, etc., is passing through the corn. Children are warned against straying in corn-fields either because the Corn-mother or because the Corn-wolf, etc., is there. In the last corn cut or the last sheaf threshed either the Corn-mother or the Corn-wolf, etc., is supposed to be present. The last sheaf is itself called either the Corn-mother or the Corn-wolf, etc., and is made up in the shape either of a woman or of a wolf, etc. The person who cuts, binds, or threshes the last sheaf is called either the Old Woman or the Wolf, etc., according to the name bestowed on the sheaf itself. As in some places a sheaf made in human form and called the Maiden, the Mother of the Maize, etc., is kept from one harvest to the next in order to secure a continuance of the corn-spirit's blessing; so in some places the Harvest-cock and in others the flesh of the goat is kept for a similar purpose from one harvest to the next. As in some places the grain taken from the Corn-mother is mixed with the seed-corn in spring to make the crop abundant; so in some places the feathers of the cock, and in Sweden the Yule Boar, are kept till spring and mixed with the seed-corn for a like purpose. As part of the Corn-mother or Maiden is given to the cattle at Christmas or to the horses at the first ploughing, so part of the Yule Boar is given to the ploughing horses or oxen in spring. Lastly, the death of the corn-spirit is represented by killing or pretending to kill either his human or his animal representative; and the worshippers partake sacramentally either of the actual body and blood of the representative of the divinity, or of bread made in his likeness.

The reason why the corn-spirit is thought to take the forms of so many animals may be that wild creatures are commonly penned by the advance of the reapers into the last patch of standing corn, which is usually regarded as the last refuge of the corn-spirit.

Other animal forms assumed by the corn-spirit are the stag, roe, sheep, bear, ass, mouse, stork, swan, and kite.993 If it is asked why the corn-spirit should be thought to appear in the form of an animal and of so many different animals, we may reply that to primitive man the simple appearance of an animal or bird among the corn is probably enough to suggest a mysterious link between the creature and the corn; and when we remember that in the old days, before fields were fenced in, all kinds of animals must have been free to roam over them, we need not wonder that the corn-spirit should have been identified even with large animals like the horse and cow, which nowadays could not, except by a rare accident, be found straying in an English corn-field. This explanation applies with peculiar force to the very common case in which the animal embodiment of the corn-spirit is believed to lurk in the last standing corn. For at harvest a number of wild animals, such as hares, rabbits, and partridges, are commonly driven by the progress of the reaping into the last patch of standing corn, and make their escape from it as it is being cut down. So regularly does this happen that reapers and others often stand round the last patch of corn armed with sticks or guns, with which they kill the animals as they dart out of their last refuge among the stalks. Now, primitive man, to whom magical changes of shape seem perfectly credible, finds it most natural that the spirit of the corn, driven from his home in the ripe grain, should make his escape in the form of the animal which is seen to rush out of the last patch of corn as it falls under the scythe of the reaper. Thus the identification of the corn-spirit with an animal is analogous to the identification of him with a passing stranger. As the sudden appearance of a stranger near the harvest-field or threshing-floor is, to the primitive mind, enough to identify him as the spirit of the corn escaping from the cut or threshed corn, so the sudden appearance of an animal issuing from the cut corn is enough to identify it with the corn-spirit escaping from his ruined home. The two identifications are so analogous that they can hardly be dissociated in any attempt to explain them. Those who look to some other principle than the one here suggested for the explanation of the latter identification are bound to shew that their theory covers the former identification also.

Note. The Pleiades in Primitive Calendars

Importance of the Pleiades in primitive calendars.

The constellation of the Pleiades plays an important part in the calendar of primitive peoples, both in the northern and in the southern hemisphere; indeed for reasons which at first sight are not obvious savages appear to have paid more attention to this constellation than to any other group of stars in the sky, and in particular they have commonly timed the various operations of the agricultural year by observation of its heliacal rising or setting. Some evidence on the subject was adduced by the late Dr. Richard Andree,994 but much more exists, and it may be worth while to put certain of the facts together.

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the Australian aborigines.

In the first place it deserves to be noticed that great attention has been paid to the Pleiades by savages in the southern hemisphere who do not till the ground, and who therefore lack that incentive to observe the stars which is possessed by peoples in the agricultural stage of society; for we can scarcely doubt that in early ages the practical need of ascertaining the proper seasons for sowing and planting has done more than mere speculative curiosity to foster a knowledge of astronomy by compelling savages to scrutinise the great celestial clock for indications of the time of year. Now amongst the rudest of savages known to us are the Australian aborigines, none of whom in their native state ever practised agriculture. Yet we are told that “they do, according to their manner, worship the hosts of heaven, and believe particular constellations rule natural causes. For such they have names, and sing and dance to gain the favour of the Pleiades (Mormodellick), the constellation worshipped by one body as the giver of rain; but if it should be deferred, instead of blessings curses are apt to be bestowed upon it.”995 According to a writer, whose evidence on other matters of Australian beliefs is open to grave doubt, some of the aborigines of New South Wales denied that the sun is the source of heat, because he shines also in winter when the weather is cold; the real cause of warm weather they held to be the Pleiades, because as the summer heat increases, that constellation rises higher and higher in the sky, reaching its greatest elevation in the height of summer, and gradually sinking again in autumn as the days grow cooler, till in winter it is either barely visible or lost to view altogether.996 Another writer, who was well acquainted with the natives of Victoria in the early days of the colony and whose testimony can be relied upon, tells us that an old chief of the Spring Creek tribe “taught the young people the names of the favourite planets and constellations, as indications of the seasons. For example, when Canopus is a very little above the horizon in the east at daybreak, the season for emu eggs has come; when the Pleiades are visible in the east an hour before sunrise, the time for visiting friends and neighbouring tribes is at hand.”997

 

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the Indians of Paraguay and Brazil.

Again, the Abipones of Paraguay, who neither sowed nor reaped,998 nevertheless regarded the Pleiades as an image of their ancestor. As that constellation is invisible in the sky of South America for several months every year, the Abipones believed that their ancestor was then sick, and they were dreadfully afraid that he would die. But when the constellation reappeared in the month of May, they saluted the return of their ancestor with joyous shouts and the glad music of flutes and horns, and they congratulated him on his recovery from sickness. Next day they all went out to collect wild honey, from which they brewed a favourite beverage. Then at sunset they feasted and kept up the revelry all night by the light of torches, while a sorceress, who presided at the festivity, shook her rattle and danced. But the proceedings were perfectly decorous; the sexes did not mix with each other.999 The Mocobis of Paraguay also looked upon the Pleiades as their father and creator.1000 The Guaycurus of the Gran Chaco used to rejoice greatly at the reappearance of the Pleiades. On this occasion they held a festival at which men and women, boys and girls all beat each other soundly, believing that this brought them health, abundance, and victory over their enemies.1001 Amongst the Lengua Indians of Paraguay at the present day the rising of the Pleiades is connected with the beginning of spring, and feasts are held at this time, generally of a markedly immoral character.1002 The Guaranis of Paraguay knew the time of sowing by observation of the Pleiades;1003 they are said to have revered the constellation and to have dated the beginning of their year from the rising of the constellation in May.1004 The Tapuiyas, formerly a numerous and warlike tribe of Brazil, hailed the rising of the Pleiades with great respect, and worshipped the constellation with songs and dances.1005 The Indians of north-western Brazil, an agricultural people who subsist mainly by the cultivation of manioc, determine the time for their various field labours by the position of certain constellations, especially the Pleiades; when that constellation has sunk beneath the horizon, the regular, heavy rains set in.1006 The Omagua Indians of Brazil ascribe to the Pleiades a special influence on human destiny.1007 A Brazilian name for the Pleiades is Cyiuce, that is, “Mother of those who are thirsty.” The constellation, we are told, “is known to the Indians of the whole of Brasil and appears to be even worshipped by some tribes in Matto Grosso. In the valley of the Amazon a number of popular sayings are current about it. Thus they say that in the first days of its appearance in the firmament, while it is still low, the birds and especially the fowls sleep on the lower branches or perches, and that just as it rises so do they; that it brings much cold and rain; that when the constellation vanishes, the serpents lose their venom; that the reeds used in making arrows must be cut before the appearance of the Pleiades, else they will be worm-eaten. According to the legend the Pleiades disappear in May and reappear in June. Their reappearance coincides with the renewal of vegetation and of animal life. Hence the legend relates that everything which appears before the constellation is renewed, that is, the appearance of the Pleiades, marks the beginning of spring.”1008 The Indians of the Orinoco called the Pleiades Ucasu or Cacasau, according to their dialect, and they dated the beginning of their year from the time when these stars are visible in the east after sunset.1009

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the Indians of Peru and Mexico.

By the Indians of Peru “the Pleiades were called Collca (the maize-heap): in this constellation the Peruvians both of the sierra and the coast beheld the prototype of their cherished stores of corn. It made their maize to grow, and was worshipped accordingly.”1010 When the Pleiades appeared above the horizon on or about Corpus Christi Day, these Indians celebrated their chief festival of the year and adored the constellation “in order that the maize might not dry up.”1011 Adjoining the great temple of the Sun at Cuzco there was a cloister with halls opening off it. One of these halls was dedicated to the Moon, and another to the planet Venus, the Pleiades, and all the other stars. The Incas venerated the Pleiades because of their curious position and the symmetry of their shape.1012 The tribes of Vera Cruz, on the coast of Mexico, dated the beginning of their year from the heliacal setting of the Pleiades, which in the latitude of Vera Cruz (19° N.) in the year 1519 fell on the first of May of the Gregorian calendar.1013 The Aztecs appear to have attached great importance to the Pleiades, for they timed the most solemn and impressive of all their religious ceremonies so as to coincide with the moment when that constellation was in the middle of the sky at midnight. The ceremony consisted in kindling a sacred new fire on the breast of a human victim on the last night of a great period of fifty-two years. They expected that at the close of one of these periods the stars would cease to revolve and the world itself would come to an end. Hence, when the critical moment approached, the priests watched from the top of a mountain the movement of the stars, and especially of the Pleiades, with the utmost anxiety. When that constellation was seen to cross the meridian, great was the joy; for they knew that the world was respited for another fifty-two years. Immediately the bravest and handsomest of the captives was thrown down on his back; a board of dry wood was placed on his breast, and one of the priests made fire by twirling a stick between his hands on the board. As soon as the flame burst forth, the breast of the victim was cut open, his heart was torn out, and together with the rest of his body was thrown into the fire. Runners carried the new fire at full speed to all parts of the kingdom to rekindle the cold hearths; for every fire throughout the country had been extinguished as a preparation for this solemn rite.1014

 

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the North American Indians.

The Blackfeet Indians of North America “know and observe the Pleiades, and regulate their most important feast by those stars. About the first and the last days of the occultation of the Pleiades there is a sacred feast among the Blackfeet. The mode of observance is national, the whole of the tribe turning out for the celebration of its rites, which include two sacred vigils, the solemn blessing and planting of the seed. It is the opening of the agricultural season… In all highly religious feasts the calumet, or pipe, is always presented towards the Pleiades, with invocation for life-giving goods. The women swear by the Pleiades as the men do by the sun or the morning star.” At the general meeting of the nation there is a dance of warriors, which is supposed to represent the dance of the seven young men who are identified with the Pleiades. For the Indians say that the seven stars of the constellation were seven brothers, who guarded by night the field of sacred seed and danced round it to keep themselves awake during the long hours of darkness.1015 According to another legend told by the Blackfeet, the Pleiades are six children, who were so ashamed because they had no little yellow hides of buffalo calves that they wandered away on the plains and were at last taken up into the sky. “They are not seen during the moon, when the buffalo calves are yellow (spring, the time of their shame), but, every year, when the calves turn brown (autumn), the lost children can be seen in the sky every night.”1016 This version of the myth, it will be observed, recognises only six stars in the constellation, and many savages apparently see no more, which speaks ill for the keenness of their vision; since among ourselves persons endowed with unusually good sight are able, I understand, to discern seven. Among the Pueblo Indians of Tusayan, an ancient province of Arizona, the culmination of the Pleiades is often used to determine the proper time for beginning a sacred nocturnal rite, especially an invocation addressed to the six deities who are believed to rule the six quarters of the world. The writer who records this fact adds: “I cannot explain its significance, and why of all stellar objects this minute cluster of stars of a low magnitude is more important than other stellar groups is not clear to me.”1017 If the Pueblo Indians see only six stars in the cluster, as to which I cannot speak, it might seem to them a reason for assigning one of the stars to each of the six quarters, namely, north, south, east, west, above, and below.

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the Polynesians.

The Society Islanders in the South Pacific divided the year into two seasons, which they determined by observation of the Pleiades. “The first they called Matarii i nia, Pleiades above. It commenced when, in the evening, these stars appeared on or near the horizon; and the half year, during which, immediately after sunset, they were seen above the horizon, was called Matarii i nia. The other season commenced when, at sunset, the stars were invisible, and continued until at that hour they appeared again above the horizon. This season was called Matarii i raro, Pleiades below.”1018 In the Hervey Islands of the South Pacific it is said that the constellation was originally a single star, which was shattered into six fragments by the god Tane. “This cluster of little stars is appropriately named Mata-riki or little-eyes, on account of their brightness. It is also designated Tau-ono, or the-six, on account of the apparent number of the fragments; the presence of the seventh star not having been detected by the unassisted native eye.”1019 Among these islanders the arrival of the new year was indicated by the appearance of the constellation on the eastern horizon just after sunset, that is, about the middle of December. “Hence the idolatrous worship paid to this beautiful cluster of stars in many of the South Sea Islands. The Pleiades were worshipped at Danger Island, and at the Penrhyns, down to the introduction of Christianity in 1857. In many islands extravagant joy is still manifested at the rising of this constellation out of the ocean.”1020 For example, in Manahiki or Humphrey's Island, South Pacific, “when the constellation Pleiades was seen there was unusual joy all over the month, and expressed by singing, dancing, and blowing-shell trumpets.”1021 So the Maoris of New Zealand, another Polynesian people of the South Pacific, divided the year into moons and determined the first moon by the rising of the Pleiades, which they called Matariki.1022 Indeed throughout Polynesia the rising of the Pleiades (variously known as Matariki, Mataliki, Matalii, Makalii, etc.) seems to have marked the beginning of the year.1023

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the Melanesians.

Among some of the Melanesians also the Pleiades occupy an important position in the calendar. “The Banks' islanders and Northern New Hebrides people content themselves with distinguishing the Pleiades, by which the approach of yam harvest is marked.”1024 “Amongst the constellations, the Pleiades and Orion's belt seem to be those which are most familiar to the natives of Bougainville Straits. The former, which they speak of as possessing six stars, they name Vuhu; the latter Matatala. They have also names for a few other stars. As in the case of many other savage races, the Pleiades is a constellation of great significance with the inhabitants of these straits. The Treasury Islanders hold a great feast towards the end of October, to celebrate, as far as I could learn, the approaching appearance of the constellation above the eastern horizon soon after sunset. Probably, as in many of the Pacific Islands, this event marks the beginning of their year. I learned from Mr. Stephens that, in Ugi, where of all the constellations the Pleiades alone receives a name, the natives are guided by it in selecting the times for planting and taking up the yams.”1025

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the natives of New Guinea and the Indian Archipelago.

The natives of the Torres Straits islands observe the appearance of the Pleiades (Usiam) on the horizon at sunset; and when they see it, they say that the new yam time has come.1026 The Kai and the Bukaua, two agricultural tribes of German New Guinea, also determine the season of their labour in the fields by observation of the Pleiades: the Kai say that the time for such labours is when the Pleiades are visible above the horizon at night.1027 In some districts of northern Celebes the rice-fields are similarly prepared for cultivation when the Pleiades are seen at a certain height above the horizon.1028 As to the Dyaks of Sarawak we read that “the Pleiades themselves tell them when to farm; and according to their position in the heavens, morning and evening, do they cut down the forest, burn, plant, and reap. The Malays are obliged to follow their example, or their lunar year would soon render their farming operations unprofitable.”1029 When the season for clearing fresh land in the forest approaches, a wise man is appointed to go out before dawn and watch for the Pleiades. As soon as the constellation is seen to rise while it is yet dark, they know that the time has come to begin. But not until the Pleiades are at the zenith before dawn do the Dyaks think it desirable to burn the fallen timber and to sow the rice.1030 However, the Kenyahs and Kayans, two other tribes of Sarawak, determine the agricultural seasons by observation of the sun rather than of the stars; and for this purpose they have devised certain simple but ingenious mechanisms. The Kenyahs measure the length of the shadow cast by an upright pole at noon; and the Kayans let in a beam of light through a hole in the roof and measure the distance from the point immediately below the hole to the place where the light reaches the floor.1031 But the Kayans of the Mahakam river, in Dutch Borneo, determine the time for sowing by observing when the sun sets in a line with two upright stones.1032 In Bali, an island to the east of Java, the appearance of the Pleiades at sunset in March marks the end of the year.1033 The Pleiades and Orion are the only constellations which the people of Bali observe for the purpose of correcting their lunar calendar by intercalation. For example, they bring the lunar year into harmony with the solar by prolonging the month Asada until the Pleiades are visible at sunset.1034 The natives of Nias, an island to the south of Sumatra, pay little heed to the stars, but they have names for the Morning Star and for the Pleiades; and when the Pleiades appear in the sky, the people assemble to till their fields, for they think that to do so before the rising of the constellation would be useless.1035 In some districts of Sumatra “much confusion in regard to the period of sowing is said to have arisen from a very extraordinary cause. Anciently, say the natives, it was regulated by the stars, and particularly by the appearance (heliacal rising) of the bintang baniak or Pleiades; but after the introduction of the Mahometan religion, they were induced to follow the returns of the puāsa or great annual fast, and forgot their old rules. The consequence of this was obvious; for the lunar year of the hejrah being eleven days short of the sidereal or solar year, the order of the seasons was soon inverted; and it is only astonishing that its inaptness to the purposes of agriculture should not have been immediately discovered.”1036 The Battas or Bataks of central Sumatra date the various operations of the agricultural year by the positions of Orion and the Pleiades. When the Pleiades rise before the sun at the beginning of July, the Achinese of northern Sumatra know that the time has come to sow the rice.1037

Attention paid to the Pleiades by the natives of Africa, Greeks, and Romans.

Scattered and fragmentary as these notices are, they suffice to shew that the Pleiades have received much attention from savages in the tropical regions of the world from Brasil in the east to Sumatra in the west. Far to the north of the tropics the rude Kamchatkans are said to know only three constellations, the Great Bear, the Pleiades, and three stars in Orion.1038 When we pass to Africa we again find the Pleiades employed by tribes in various parts of the continent to mark the seasons of the agricultural year. We have seen that the Caffres of South Africa date their new year from the rising of the Pleiades just before sunrise and fix the time for sowing by observation of that constellation.1039 “They calculate only twelve lunar months for the year, for which they have descriptive names, and this results in frequent confusion and difference of opinion as to which month it really is. The confusion is always rectified by the first appearance of Pleiades just before sunrise, and a fresh start is made and things go on smoothly till once more the moons get out of place, and reference has again to be made to the stars.”1040 According to another authority on the Bantu tribes of South Africa, “the rising of the Pleiades shortly after sunset was regarded as indicating the planting season. To this constellation, as well as to several of the prominent stars and planets, they gave expressive names. They formed no theories concerning the nature of the heavenly bodies and their motions, and were not given to thinking of such things.”1041 The Amazulu call the Pleiades Isilimela, which means “The digging-for (stars),” because when the Pleiades appear the people begin to dig. They say that “Isilimela (the Pleiades) dies, and is not seen. It is not seen in winter; and at last, when the winter is coming to an end, it begins to appear – one of its stars first, and then three, until going on increasing it becomes a cluster of stars, and is perfectly clear when the sun is about to rise. And we say Isilimela is renewed, and the year is renewed, and so we begin to dig.”1042 The Bechuanas “are directed by the position of certain stars in the heavens, that the time has arrived, in the revolving year, when particular roots can be dug up for use, or when they may commence their labours of the field. This is their likhakologo (turnings or revolvings), or what we should call the spring time of the year. The Pleiades they call seleméla, which may be translated ‘cultivator,’ or the precursor of agriculture, from leméla, the relative verb to cultivate for; and se, a pronominal prefix, distinguishing them as the actors. Thus, when this constellation assumes a certain position in the heavens, it is the signal to commence cultivating their fields and gardens.”1043 Among some of these South African tribes the period of seclusion observed by lads after circumcision comes to an end with the appearance of the Pleiades, and accordingly the youths are said to long as ardently for the rising of the constellation as Mohammedans for the rising of the moon which will put an end to the fast of Ramadan.1044 The Hottentots date the seasons of the year by the rising and setting of the Pleiades.1045 An early Moravian missionary settled among the Hottentots, reports that “at the return of the Pleiades these natives celebrate an anniversary; as soon as these stars appear above the eastern horizon mothers will lift their little ones on their arms, and running up to elevated spots, will show to them those friendly stars, and teach them to stretch their little hands towards them. The people of a kraal will assemble to dance and to sing according to the old custom of their ancestors. The chorus always sings: ‘O Tiqua, our Father above our heads, give rain to us, that the fruits (bulbs, etc.), uientjes, may ripen, and that we may have plenty of food, send us a good year.’ ”1046 With some tribes of British Central Africa the rising of the Pleiades early in the evening is the signal for the hoeing to begin.1047 To the Masai of East Africa the appearance of the Pleiades in the wrest is the sign of the beginning of the rainy season, which takes its name from the constellation.1048 In Masailand the Pleiades are above the horizon from September till about the seventeenth of May; and the people, as they express it themselves, “know whether it will rain or not according to the appearance or non-appearance of the six stars, called The Pleiades, which follow after one another like cattle. When the month which the Masai call ‘Of the Pleiades’1049 arrives, and the Pleiades are no longer visible, they know that the rains are over. For the Pleiades set in that month and are not seen again until the season of showers has come to an end:1050 it is then that they reappear.”1051 The only other groups of stars for which the Masai appear to have names are Orion's sword and Orion's belt.1052 The Nandi of British East Africa have a special name (Koremerik) for the Pleiades, “and it is by the appearance or non-appearance of these stars that the Nandi know whether they may expect a good or a bad harvest.”1053 The Kikuyu of the same region say that “the Pleiades is the mark in the heavens to show the people when to plant their crops; they plant when this constellation is in a certain position early in the night.”1054 In Sierra Leone “the proper time for preparing the plantations is shewn by the particular situation in which the Pleiades, called by the Bulloms a-warrang, the only stars which they observe or distinguish by peculiar names, are to be seen at sunset.”1055 We have seen that ancient Greek farmers reaped their corn when the Pleiades rose at sunrise in May, and that they ploughed their fields when the constellation set at sunrise in November.1056 The interval between the two dates is about six months. Both the Greeks and the Romans dated the beginning of summer from the heliacal rising of the Pleiades and the beginning of winter from their heliacal setting.1057 Pliny regarded the autumnal setting of the Pleiades as the proper season for sowing the corn, particularly the wheat and the barley, and he tells us that in Greece and Asia all the crops were sown at the setting of that constellation.1058

992Above, pp. sq., , , , , , . In regard to the hare, the substitution of brandy for hare's blood is probably modern.
993W. Mannhardt, Die Korndämonen (Berlin, 1868), p. 1.
994R. Andree, “Die Pleiaden im Mythus und in ihrer Beziehung zum Jahresbeginn und Landbau,” Globus, lxiv. (1893) pp. 362-366.
995Mr. McKellar, quoted by the Rev. W. Ridley, “Report on Australian Languages and Traditions,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, ii. (1873) p. 279; id., Kamilaroi (Sydney, 1875), p. 138. Mr. McKellar's evidence was given before a Select Committee of the Legislative Council of Victoria in 1858; from which we may perhaps infer that his statement refers especially to the tribes of Victoria or at all events of south-eastern Australia. It seems to be a common belief among the aborigines of central and south-eastern Australia that the Pleiades are women who once lived on earth but afterwards went up into the sky. See W. E. Stanbridge, in Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. i. (1861) p. 302; P. Beveridge, “Of the Aborigines inhabiting the great Lacustrine and Riverine Depression of the Lower Murray,” etc., Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales, xvii. (Sydney, 1884) p. 61; Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), p. 566; id., Northern Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1904), p. 628; A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), pp. 429 sq. Some tribes of Victoria believed that the Pleiades were originally a queen and six of her attendants, but that the Crow (Waa) fell in love with the queen and ran away with her, and that since then the Pleiades have been only six in number. See James Dawson, Australian Aborigines (Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide, 1881), p. 100.
996J. Manning, “Notes on the Aborigines of New Holland,” Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales, xvi. (Sydney, 1883) p. 168.
997James Dawson, Australian Aborigines, p. 75.
998M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus (Vienna, 1784), ii. 118.
999M. Dobrizhoffer, op. cit. ii. 77 sq., 101-105.
1000Pedro de Angelis, Coleccion de Obras y Documentes relativos a la Historia antigua y moderna de las Provincias del Rio de la Plata (Buenos Ayres, 1836-1837), iv. 15.
1001P. Lozano, Descripcion chorographico del terreno, rios, arboles, y animales del Gran Chaco (Cordova, 1733). p. 67.
1002W. Barbrooke Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land (London, 1911), p. 139.
1003Pedro de Angelis, op. cit. iv. 14.
1004Th. Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, iii. (Leipsic, 1862) p. 418, referring to Marcgrav de Liebstadt, Hist. rerum naturalium Brasil. (Amsterdam, 1648), viii. 5 and 12.
1005M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus, ii. 104.
1006Th. Koch-Grünberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern (Berlin, 1909-1910), ii. 203.
1007C. F. Phil. v. Martius, Zur Ethnographie Amerika's, zumal Brasiliens (Leipsic, 1867), p. 441.
1008Carl Teschauer, S.J., “Mythen und alte Volkssagen aus Brasilien,” Anthropos, i. (1906) p. 736.
1009J. Gumilla, Histoire Naturelle et Civile et Géographique de l'Orenoque (Avignon, 1758), iii. 254 sq.
1010E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. (Oxford, 1892) p. 492.
1011P. J. de Arriaga, Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru (Lima, 1621), pp. 11, 29 sq. According to Arriaga, the Peruvian name for the Pleiades is Oncoy.
1012Garcilasso de la Vega, First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, translated by (Sir) Clements R. Markham (London, 1869-1871, Hakluyt Society), i. 275. Compare J. de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies (London, 1880, Hakluyt Society), ii. 304.
1013E. Seler, Alt-Mexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 166 sq., referring to Petrus Martyr, De nuper sub D. Carolo repertis insulis (Basileae, 1521), p. 15.
1014B. de Sahagun, Histoire Générale des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne (Paris, 1880), pp. 288 sq., 489 sqq.; A. de Herrera, General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 222; F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 315 sq.; J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen (Bâle, 1867), pp. 519 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America (London, 1875-1876), iii. 393-395.
1015Jean l'Heureux, “Ethnological Notes on the Astronomical Customs and Religious Ideas of the Chokitapia or Blackfeet Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xv. (1886) pp. 301-303.
1016Walter McClintock, The Old North Trail (London, 1910), p. 490.
1017J. Walter Fewkes, “The Tusayan New Fire Ceremony,” Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, xxvi. (1895) p. 453.
1018Rev. W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, Second Edition (London, 1832-1836), i. 87.
1019Rev. W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs from the South Pacific (London, 1876), p. 43.
1020Rev. W. W. Gill, op. cit. p. 317, compare p. 44.
1021G. Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), p. 279.
1022E. Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders, Second Edition (London, 1856), p. 219.
1023The United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnography and Philology, by Horatio Hale (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 170; E. Tregear, Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary (Wellington, N.Z., 1891), p. 226.
1024Rev. R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 348. In the island of Florida the Pleiades are called togo ni samu, “the company of maidens” (op. cit. p. 349).
1025H. B. Guppy, The Solomon Islands and their Natives (London, 1887), p. 56.
1026A. C. Haddon, “Legends from Torres Straits,” Folk-lore, i. (1890) p. 195. We may conjecture that the “new yam time” means the time for planting yams.
1027R. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guinea (Berlin, 1911), pp. 159, 431 sq.
1028A. F. van Spreeuwenberg, “Een blik op de Minahassa,” Tijdschrift voor Neerlands Indië, Vierde Deel (Batavia, 1845), p. 316; J. G. F. Riedel, “De landschappen Holontalo, Limoeto, Bone, Boalemo, en Kattinggola, of Andagile,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xix. (1869) p. 140; id., in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, iii. (1871) p. 404.
1029Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East, Second Edition (London, 1863), i. 214. Compare H. Low, Sarawak (London, 1848), p. 251.
1030Dr. Charles Hose, “Various Modes of computing the Time for Planting among the Races of Borneo,” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 42 (Singapore, 1905), pp. 1 sq. Compare Charles Brooke, Ten Years in Sarawak (London, 1866), i. 59; Rev. J. Perham, “Sea Dyak Religion,” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 10 (Singapore, 1883), p. 229.
1031Dr. Charles Hose, op. cit. p. 4. Compare id., “The Natives of Borneo,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiii. (1894) pp. 168 sq., where the writer tells us that the Kayans and many other races in Borneo sow the rice when the Pleiades appear just above the horizon at daybreak, though the Kayans more usually determine the time for sowing by observation of the sun. As to the Kayan mode of determining the time for sowing by the length of shadow cast by an upright pole, see also W. Kükenthal, Forschungsreise in den Molukken und in Borneo (Frankfort, 1896), pp. 292 sq. Some Dyaks employ a species of sun-dial for dating the twelve months of the year. See H. E. D. Engelhaard, “Aanteekeningen betreffende de Kindjin Dajaks in het Landschap Baloengan,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xxxix. (1897) pp. 484-486.
1032A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 160.
1033F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 424.
1034R. Friederich, “Voorloopig Verslag van het eiland Bali,” Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, xxiii. (1849) p. 49.
1035J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias en deszelfs Bewoners,” Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 119.
1036W. Marsden, History of Sumatra, Third Edition (London, 1811), p. 71.
1037F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 428.
1038S. Krascheninnikow, Beschreibung des Landes Kamtschatka (Lemgo, 1766), p. 217. The three stars are probably the Belt.
1039See above, vol. i. p. .
1040Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, Second Edition (London, 1890), pp. 194 sq. Compare J. Sechefo, “The Twelve Lunar Months among the Basuto,” Anthropos, iv. (1909) p. 931.
1041G. McCall Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, vii. (1901) p. 418. Compare G. Thompson, Travels and Adventures in Southern Africa (London, 1827), ii. 359.
1042Rev. H. Callaway, The Religious System of the Amazulu, Part iii. (London, etc., 1870), p. 397.
1043R. Moffat, Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa (London, 1842), pp. 337 sq.
1044Stephen Kay, Travels and Researches in Caffraria (London, 1833), p. 273.
1045Gustav Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen Süd-Afrika's (Breslau, 1872). p. 340.
1046Theophilus Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi (London, 1881), p. 43, quoting the Moravian missionary George Schmidt, who was sent out to the Cape of Good Hope in 1737.
1047H. S. Stannus, “Notes on some Tribes of British Central Africa,” Journal of the R. Anthropological Institute, xl. (1910) p. 289.
1048M. Merker, Die Masai (Berlin, 1894), pp. 155, 198.
1049May.
1050June-August.
1051A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 275, compare p. 333. The “season of showers” seems to be a name for the dry season (June, July, August), when rain falls only occasionally; it is thus distinguished from the rainy season of winter, which begins after the reappearance of the Pleiades in September.
1052A. C. Hollis, The Masai, pp. 275 sq.
1053A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 100.
1054C. W. Hobley, “Further Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious Beliefs and Customs,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xli. (1911) p. 442.
1055Thomas Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone (London, 1803), p. 48.
1056Hesiod, Works and Days, 383 sq., 615 sqq. See above, pp. , .
1057Aratus, Phaenomena, 264-267; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 123, 125, xviii. 280, “Vergiliae privatim attinent ad fructus, ut quarum exortu aestas incipiat, occasu hiems, semenstri spatio intra se messes vindemiasque et omnium maturitatem conplexae.” Compare L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 241 sq. Pliny dated the rising of the Pleiades on the 10th of May and their setting on the 11th of November (Nat. Hist. ii. 123, 125).
1058Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 49 and 223.