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The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 03 of 12)

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The magical virtue of a knot is always that of an impediment or hindrance whether for good or evil.

The precise mode in which the virtue of the knot is supposed to take effect in some of these instances does not clearly appear. But in general we may say that in all the cases we have been considering the leading characteristic of the magic knot or lock is that, in strict accordance with its physical nature, it always acts as an impediment, hindrance, or obstacle, and that its influence is maleficent or beneficent according as the thing which it impedes or hinders is good or evil. The obstructive tendency attributed to the knot in spiritual matters appears in a Swiss superstition that if, in sewing a corpse into its shroud, you make a knot on the thread, it will hinder the soul of the deceased on its passage to eternity.1147 In coffining a corpse the Highlanders of Scotland used to untie or cut every string in the shroud; else the spirit could not rest.1148 The Germans of Transylvania place a little pillow with the dead in the coffin; but in sewing it they take great care not to make any knot on the thread, for they say that to do so would hinder the dead man from resting in the grave and his widow from marrying again.1149 Among the Pidhireanes, a Ruthenian people on the hem of the Carpathians, when a widow wishes to marry again soon, she unties the knots on her dead husband's grave-clothes before the coffin is shut down on him. This removes all impediments to her future marriage.1150 A Nandi who is starting on a journey will tie a knot in grass by the wayside, as he believes that by so doing he will prevent the people whom he is going to visit from taking their meal till he arrives, or at all events he will ensure that they leave enough food over for him.1151

The rule that at certain magical and religious rites the hair should be loose and the feet bare is probably based on a fear of the impediment which is thought to be caused by any knot or constriction. Custom of going on certain solemn occasions with one shoe on and one shoe off.

The rule which prescribes that at certain magical and religious ceremonies the hair should hang loose and the feet should be bare1152 is probably based on the same fear of trammelling and impeding the action in hand, whatever it may be, by the presence of any knot or constriction, whether on the head or on the feet of the performer. This connexion of ideas comes out clearly in a passage of Ovid, who bids a pregnant woman loosen her hair before she prays to the goddess of childbirth, in order that the goddess may gently loose her teeming womb.1153 It is less easy to say why on certain solemn occasions it appears to have been customary with some people to go with one shoe off and one shoe on. The forlorn hope of two hundred men who, on a dark and stormy night, stole out of Plataea, broke through the lines of the besieging Spartans, and escaped from the doomed city, were shod on the left foot only. The historian who records the fact assumes that the intention was to prevent their feet from slipping in the mud.1154 But if so, why were not both feet unshod or shod? What is good for the one foot is surely good for the other. The peculiar attire of the Plataeans on this occasion had probably nothing to do with the particular state of the ground and the weather at the time when they made their desperate sally, but was an old custom, a form of consecration or devotion, observed by men in any great hazard or grave emergency. Certainly the costume appears to have been regularly worn by some fighting races in antiquity, at least when they went forth to battle. Thus we are told that all the Aetolians were shod only on one foot, “because they were so warlike,”1155 and Virgil represents some of the rustic militia of ancient Latium as marching to war, their right feet shod in boots of raw hide, while their left feet were bare.1156 An oracle warned Pelias, king of Iolcus, to beware of the man with one sandal, and when Jason arrived with a sandal on his right foot but with his left foot bare, the king recognised the hand of fate. The common story that Jason had lost one of his sandals in fording a river was probably invented when the real motive of the costume was forgotten.1157 Again, according to one legend Perseus seems to have worn only one shoe when he went on his perilous enterprise to cut off the Gorgon's head.1158 In certain forms of purification Greek ritual appears to have required that the person to be cleansed should wear a rough shoe on one foot, while the other was unshod. The rule is not mentioned by ancient writers, but may be inferred from a scene painted on a Greek vase, where a man, naked except for a fillet round his head, is seen crouching on the skin of a sacrificial victim, his bare right foot resting on the skin, while his left foot, shod in a rough boot, is planted on the ground in front of him. Round about women with torches and vessels are engaged in performing ceremonies of purification over him.1159 When Dido in Virgil, deserted by Aeneas, has resolved to die, she feigns to perform certain magical rites which will either win back her false lover or bring relief to her wounded heart. In appealing to the gods and the stars, she stands by the altar with her dress loosened and with one foot bare.1160 Among the heathen Arabs the cursing of an enemy was a public act. The maledictions were often couched in the form of a satirical poem, which the poet himself recited with certain solemn formalities. Thus when the young Lebid appeared at the Court of Norman to denounce the Absites, he anointed the hair of his head on one side only, let his garment hang down loosely, and wore but one shoe. This, we are told, was the costume regularly adopted by certain poets on such occasions.1161

 

The intention of going with one shoe on and one shoe off on such occasions seems to be to free the man so attired from magical constraint and to lay it on his enemy.

Thus various peoples seem to be of opinion that it stands a man in good stead to go with one foot shod and one foot bare on certain momentous occasions. But why? The explanation must apparently be sought in the magical virtue attributed to knots; for down to recent times, we may take it, shoes have been universally tied to the feet by latchets. Now the magical action of a knot, as we have seen, is supposed to be to bind and restrain not merely the body but the soul,1162 and this action is beneficial or harmful according as the thing which is bound and restrained is evil or good. It is a necessary corollary of this doctrine that to be without knots is to be free and untrammelled, which, by the way, may be the reason why the augur's staff at Rome had to be made from a piece of wood in which there was no knot;1163 it would never do for a divining rod to be spell-bound. Hence we may suppose that the intention of going with one shoe on and one shoe off is both to restrain and to set at liberty, to bind and to unbind. But to bind or unbind whom or what? Perhaps the notion is to rid the man himself of magical restraint, but to lay it on his foe, or at all events on his foe's magic; in short, to bind his enemy by a spell while he himself goes free. This is substantially the explanation which the acute and learned Servius gives of Dido's costume. He says that she went with one shoe on and one shoe off in order that Aeneas might be entangled and herself released.1164 An analogous explanation would obviously apply to all the other cases we have considered, for in all of them the man who wears this peculiar costume is confronted with hostile powers, whether human or supernatural, which it must be his object to lay under a ban.

Rings also are regarded as magical fetters which prevent the egress or ingress of spirits.

A similar power to bind and hamper spiritual as well as bodily activities is ascribed by some people to rings. Thus in the Greek island of Carpathus, people never button the clothes they put upon a dead body and they are careful to remove all rings from it; “for the spirit, they say, can even be detained in the little finger, and cannot rest.”1165 Here it is plain that even if the soul is not definitely supposed to issue at death from the finger-tips, yet the ring is conceived to exercise a certain constrictive influence which detains and imprisons the immortal spirit in spite of its efforts to escape from the tabernacle of clay; in short the ring, like the knot, acts as a spiritual fetter. This may have been the reason of an ancient Greek maxim, attributed to Pythagoras, which forbade people to wear rings.1166 Nobody might enter the ancient Arcadian sanctuary of the Mistress at Lycosura with a ring on his or her finger.1167 Persons who consulted the oracle of Faunus had to be chaste, to eat no flesh, and to wear no rings.1168

Rings worn as amulets against demons, witches, and ghosts. Reason why the Flamen Dialis might not wear knots and rings.

On the other hand, the same constriction which hinders the egress of the soul may prevent the entrance of evil spirits; hence we find rings used as amulets against demons, witches, and ghosts. In the Tyrol it is said that a woman in childbed should never take off her wedding-ring, or spirits and witches will have power over her.1169 Among the Lapps, the person who is about to place a corpse in the coffin receives from the husband, wife, or children of the deceased a brass ring, which he must wear fastened to his right arm until the corpse is safely deposited in the grave. The ring is believed to serve the person as an amulet against any harm which the ghost might do to him.1170 The Huzuls of the Carpathians sometimes milk a cow through a wedding-ring to prevent witches from stealing its milk.1171 In India iron rings are often worn as an amulet against disease or to counteract the malignant influence of the planet Saturn. A coral ring is used in Gujarat to ward off the baleful influence of the sun, and in Bengal mourners touch it as a form of purification.1172 A Masai mother who has lost one or more children at an early age will put a copper ring on the second toe of her next infant's right foot to guard it against sickness.1173 Masai men also wear on the middle finger of the right hand a ring made out of the hide of a sacrificial victim; it is supposed to protect the wearer from witchcraft and disease of every kind.1174 We have seen that magic cords are fastened round the wrists of Siamese children to keep off evil spirits;1175 that some people tie strings round the wrists of women in childbed, of convalescents after sickness, and of mourners after a funeral in order to prevent the escape of their souls at these critical seasons;1176 and that with the same intention the Bagobos put brass rings on the wrists or ankles of the sick.1177 This use of wrist-bands, bracelets, and anklets as amulets to keep the soul in the body is exactly parallel to the use of finger-rings which we are here considering. The placing of these spiritual fetters on the wrists is especially appropriate, because some people fancy that a soul resides wherever a pulse is felt beating.1178 How far the custom of wearing finger-rings, bracelets, and anklets may have been influenced by, or even have sprung from, a belief in their efficacy as amulets to keep the soul in the body, or demons out of it, is a question which seems worth considering.1179 Here we are only concerned with the belief in so far as it seems to throw light on the rule that the Flamen Dialis might not wear a ring unless it were broken. Taken in conjunction with the rule which forbade him to have a knot on his garments, it points to a fear that the powerful spirit embodied in him might be trammelled and hampered in its goings-out and comings-in by such corporeal and spiritual fetters as rings and knots. The same fear probably dictated the rule that if a man in bonds were taken into the house of the Flamen Dialis, the captive was to be unbound and the cords to be drawn up through a hole in the roof and so let down into the street.1180 Further, we may conjecture that the custom of releasing prisoners at a festival may have originated in the same train of thought; it might be imagined that their fetters would impede the flow of the divine grace. The custom was observed at the Greek festival of the Thesmophoria,1181 and at the Athenian festival of Dionysus in the city.1182 At the great festival of the Dassera, celebrated in October by the Goorkhas of Nepaul, all the law courts are closed, and all prisoners in gaol are removed from the precincts of the city; but those who are imprisoned outside the city do not have to change their place of confinement at the time of the Dassera.1183 This Nepaulese custom appears strongly to support the explanation here suggested of such gaol-deliveries. For observe that the prisoners are not released, but merely removed from the city. The intention is therefore not to allow them to share the general happiness, but merely to rid the city of their inopportune presence at the festival.

 

The Gordian knot was perhaps a royal talisman.

Before quitting the subject of knots I may be allowed to hazard a conjecture as to the meaning of the famous Gordian knot, which Alexander the Great, failing in his efforts to untie it, cut through with his sword. In Gordium, the ancient capital of the kings of Phrygia, there was preserved a waggon of which the yoke was fastened to the pole by a strip of cornel-bark or a vine-shoot twisted and tied in an intricate knot. Tradition ran that the waggon had been dedicated by Midas, the first king of the dynasty, and that whoever untied the knot would be ruler of Asia.1184 Perhaps the knot was a talisman with which the fate of the dynasty was believed to be bound up in such a way that whenever the knot was loosed the reign of the dynasty would come to an end. We have seen that the magic virtue ascribed to knots is naturally enough supposed to last only so long as they remain untied. If the Gordian knot was the talisman of the Phrygian kings, the local fame it enjoyed, as guaranteeing to them the rule of Phrygia, might easily be exaggerated by distant rumour into a report that the sceptre of Asia itself would fall to him who should undo the wondrous knot.1185

Chapter VI. Tabooed Words

§ 1. Personal Names tabooed

The savage confuses words and things, and hence regards his name as a vital part of himself, and fancies that he can be magically injured through it.

Unable to discriminate clearly between words and things, the savage commonly fancies that the link between a name and the person or thing denominated by it is not a mere arbitrary and ideal association, but a real and substantial bond which unites the two in such a way that magic may be wrought on a man just as easily through his name as through his hair, his nails, or any other material part of his person.1186 In fact, primitive man regards his name as a vital portion of himself and takes care of it accordingly. Thus, for example, the North American Indian “regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a distinct part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or his teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely from the malicious handling of his name as from a wound inflicted on any part of his physical organism. This belief was found among the various tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and has occasioned a number of curious regulations in regard to the concealment and change of names. It may be on this account that both Powhatan and Pocahontas are known in history under assumed appellations, their true names having been concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms were too firmly established to be supplanted. Should his prayers have no apparent effect when treating a patient for some serious illness, the shaman sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and accordingly goes to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the patient with a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then begins afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the patient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with success.”1187 Some Esquimaux take new names when they are old, hoping thereby to get a new lease of life.1188 The Tolampoos of central Celebes believe that if you write a man's name down you can carry off his soul along with it. On that account the headman of a village appeared uneasy when Mr. A. C. Kruijt wrote down his name. He entreated the missionary to erase it, and was only reassured on being told that it was not his real name but merely his second name that had been put on paper. Again, when the same missionary took down the names of villages from the lips of a woman, she asked him anxiously if he would not thereby take away the soul of the villages and so cause the inhabitants to fall sick.1189 If we may judge from the evidence of language, this crude conception of the relation of names to persons was widely prevalent, if not universal, among the forefathers of the Aryan race. For an analysis of the words for “name” in the various languages of that great family of speech points to the conclusion that “the Celts, and certain other widely separated Aryans, unless we should rather say the whole Aryan family, believed at one time not only that the name was a part of the man, but that it was that part of him which is termed the soul, the breath of life, or whatever you may choose to define it as being.”1190 However this may have been among the primitive Aryans, it is quite certain that many savages at the present day regard their names as vital parts of themselves, and therefore take great pains to conceal their real names, lest these should give to evil-disposed persons a handle by which to injure their owners.

The Australian savages keep their names secret lest sorcerers should injure them by means of their names.

Thus, to begin with the savages who rank at the bottom of the social scale, we are told that the secrecy with which among the Australian aborigines personal names are often kept from general knowledge “arises in great measure from the belief that an enemy, who knows your name, has in it something which he can use magically to your detriment.”1191 “An Australian black,” says another writer, “is always very unwilling to tell his real name, and there is no doubt that this reluctance is due to the fear that through his name he may be injured by sorcerers.”1192 On Herbert River in Queensland the wizards, in order to practise their arts against some one, “need only to know the name of the person in question, and for this reason they rarely use their proper names in addressing or speaking of each other, but simply their class names.”1193 In the tribes of south-eastern Australia “when the new name is given at initiation, the child's name becomes secret, not to be revealed to strangers, or to be mentioned by friends. The reason appears to be that a name is part of a person, and therefore can be made use of to that person's detriment by any who wish to ‘catch’ him by evil magic.”1194 Thus among the Yuin of New South Wales the totem name is said to have been something magical rather than a mere name in our sense, and it was kept secret lest an enemy should injure its bearer by sorcery. The name was revealed to a youth by his father at initiation, but very few other people knew it.1195 Another writer, who knew the Australians well, observes that in many tribes the belief prevails “that the life of an enemy may be taken by the use of his name in incantations. The consequence of this idea is, that in the tribes in which it obtains, the name of the male is given up for ever at the time when he undergoes the first of a series of ceremonies which end in conferring the rights of manhood. In such tribes a man has no name, and when a man desires to attract the attention of any male of his tribe who is out of his boyhood, instead of calling him by name, he addresses him as brother, nephew, or cousin, as the case may be, or by the name of the class to which he belongs. I used to notice, when I lived amongst the Bangerang, that the names which the males bore in infancy were soon almost forgotten by the tribe.”1196 It may be questioned, however, whether the writer whom I have just quoted was not deceived in thinking that among these tribes men gave up their individual names on passing through the ceremony of initiation into manhood. It is more in harmony with savage beliefs and practices to suppose either that the old names were retained but dropped out of use in daily life, or that new names were given at initiation and sedulously concealed from fear of sorcery. A missionary who resided among the aborigines at Lake Tyers, in Victoria, informs us that “the blacks have great objections to speak of a person by name. In speaking to each other they address the person spoken to as brother, cousin, friend, or whatever relation the person spoken to bears. Sometimes a black bears a name which we would term merely a nickname, as the left-handed, or the bad-handed, or the little man. They would speak of a person by this name while living, but they would never mention the proper name. I found great difficulty in collecting the native names of the blacks here. I found afterwards that they had given me wrong names; and, on asking the reason why, was informed they had two or three names, but they never mentioned their right name for fear any one got it, then they would die.”1197 Amongst the tribes of central Australia every man, woman, and child has, besides a personal name which is in common use, a secret or sacred name which is bestowed by the older men upon him or her soon after birth, and which is known to none but the fully initiated members of the group. This secret name is never mentioned except upon the most solemn occasions; to utter it in the hearing of women or of men of another group would be a most serious breach of tribal custom, as serious as the most flagrant case of sacrilege among ourselves. When mentioned at all, the name is spoken only in a whisper, and not until the most elaborate precautions have been taken that it shall be heard by no one but members of the group. “The native thinks that a stranger knowing his secret name would have special power to work him ill by means of magic.”1198

The same fear of sorcery has led people to conceal their names in Egypt, Africa, Asia, and the East Indies.

The same fear seems to have led to a custom of the same sort amongst the ancient Egyptians, whose comparatively high civilisation was strangely dashed and chequered with relics of the lowest savagery. Every Egyptian received two names, which were known respectively as the true name and the good name, or the great name and the little name; and while the good or little name was made public, the true or great name appears to have been carefully concealed.1199 Similarly in Abyssinia at the present day it is customary to conceal the real name which a person receives at baptism and to call him only by a sort of nickname which his mother gives him on leaving the church. The reason for this concealment is that a sorcerer cannot act upon a person whose real name he does not know. But if he has ascertained his victim's real name, the magician takes a particular kind of straw, and muttering something over it bends it into a circle and places it under a stone. The person aimed at is taken ill at the very moment of the bending of the straw; and if the straw snaps, he dies.1200 A Brahman child receives two names, one for common use, the other a secret name which none but his father and mother should know. The latter is only used at ceremonies such as marriage. The custom is intended to protect the person against magic, since a charm only becomes effectual in combination with the real name.1201 Amongst the Kru negroes of West Africa a man's real name is always concealed from all but his nearest relations; to other people he is known only under an assumed name.1202 The Ewe-speaking people of the Slave Coast “believe that there is a real and material connexion between a man and his name, and that by means of the name injury may be done to the man. An illustration of this has been given in the case of the tree-stump that is beaten with a stone to compass the death of an enemy; for the name of that enemy is not pronounced solely with the object of informing the animating principle of the stump who it is whose death is desired, but through a belief that, by pronouncing the name, the personality of the man who bears it is in some way brought to the stump.”1203 The Wolofs of Senegambia are very much annoyed if any one calls them in a loud voice, even by day; for they say that their name will be remembered by an evil spirit and made use of by him to do them a mischief at night.1204 Similarly, the natives of Nias believe that harm may be done to a person by the demons who hear his name pronounced. Hence the names of infants, who are especially exposed to the assaults of evil spirits, are never spoken; and often in haunted spots, such as the gloomy depths of the forest, the banks of a river, or beside a bubbling spring, men will abstain from calling each other by their names for a like reason.1205 Among the hill tribes of Assam each individual has a private name which may not be revealed. Should any one imprudently allow his private name to be known, the whole village is tabooed for two days and a feast is provided at the expense of the culprit.1206 A Manegre, of the upper valley of the Amoor, will never mention his own name nor that of one of his fellows. Only the names of children are an exception to this rule.1207 A Bagobo man of Mindanao, one of the Philippine Islands, never utters his own name from fear of being turned into a raven, because the raven croaks out its own name.1208 The natives of the East Indian island of Buru, and the Manggarais of West Flores are forbidden by custom to mention their own names.1209 When Fafnir had received his death-wound from Sigurd, he asked his slayer what his name was; but the cunning Sigurd concealed his real name and mentioned a false one, because he well knew how potent are the words of a dying man when he curses his enemy by name.1210

The South and Central American Indians also keep their names secret from fear of sorcery.

The Indians of Chiloe, a large island off the southern coast of Chili, keep their names secret and do not like to have them uttered aloud; for they say that there are fairies or imps on the mainland or neighbouring islands who, if they knew folk's names, would do them an injury; but so long as they do not know the names, these mischievous sprites are powerless.1211 The Araucanians, who inhabit the mainland of Chili to the north of Chiloe, will hardly ever tell a stranger their names because they fear that he would thereby acquire some supernatural power over themselves. Asked his name by a stranger, who is ignorant of their superstitions, an Araucanian will answer, “I have none.”1212 Names taken from plants, birds, or other natural objects are bestowed on the Indians of Guiana at their birth by their parents or the medicine-man, “but these names seem of little use, in that owners have a very strong objection to telling or using them, apparently on the ground that the name is part of the man, and that he who knows the name has part of the owner of that name in his power. To avoid any danger of spreading knowledge of their names, one Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to the relationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister, father, mother, and so on; or, when there is no relationship, as boy, girl, companion, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically form the names actually used by Indians amongst themselves.”1213 Amongst the Indians of the Goajira peninsula in Colombia it is a punishable offence to mention a man's name; in aggravated cases heavy compensation is demanded.1214 The Indians of Darien never tell their names, and when one of them is asked, “What is your name?” he answers, “I have none.”1215 For example, the Guami of Panama, “like the greater part of the American Indians, has several names, but that under which he is known to his relations and friends is never mentioned to a stranger; according to their ideas a stranger who should learn a man's name would obtain a secret power over him. As to the girls, they generally have no name of their own up to the age of puberty.”1216 Among the Tepehuanes of Mexico a name is a sacred thing, and they never tell their real native names.1217

Similar superstition as to personal names among the Indians of North America.

In North America superstitions of the same sort are current. “Names bestowed with ceremony in childhood,” says Schoolcraft, “are deemed sacred, and are seldom pronounced, out of respect, it would seem, to the spirits under whose favour they are supposed to have been selected. Children are usually called in the family by some name which can be familiarly used.”1218 The Navajoes of New Mexico are most unwilling to reveal their own Indian names or those of their friends; they generally go by some Mexican names which they have received from the whites.1219 “No Apache will give his name to a stranger, fearing some hidden power may thus be placed in the stranger's hand to his detriment.”1220 The Tonkawe Indians of Texas will give their children Comanche and English names in addition to their native names, which they are unwilling to communicate to others; for they believe that when somebody calls a person by his or her native name after death the spirit of the deceased may hear it, and may be prompted to take revenge on such as disturbed his rest; whereas if the spirit be called by a name drawn from another language, it will pay no heed.1221 Speaking of the Californian Indians, and especially of the Nishinam tribe, a well-informed writer observes: “One can very seldom learn an Indian's and never a squaw's Indian name, though they will tell their American titles readily enough… No squaw will reveal her own name, but she will tell all her neighbors' that she can think of. For the reason above given many people believe that half the squaws have no names at all. So far is this from the truth that every one possesses at least one and sometimes two or three.”1222 Blackfoot Indians believe that they would be unfortunate in all their undertakings if they were to speak their names.1223 When the Canadian Indians were asked their names, they used to hang their heads in silence or answer that they did not know.1224 When an Ojebway is asked his name, he will look at some bystander and ask him to answer. “This reluctance arises from an impression they receive when young, that if they repeat their own names it will prevent their growth, and they will be small in stature. On account of this unwillingness to tell their names, many strangers have fancied that they either have no names or have forgotten them.”1225

1147H. Runge, “Volksglaube in der Schweiz,” Zeitschrift für deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde, iv. (1859) p. 178, § 25. The belief is reported from Zurich.
1148J. G. Campbell, Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, p. 174; id., Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, p. 241.
1149E. Gerard, The Land beyond the Forest, i. 208.
1150R. F. Kaindl, “Volksüberlieferungen der Pidhireane,” Globus, lxxiii. (1898) p. 251.
1151A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), pp. 89 sq. The tying and untying of magic knots was forbidden by the Coptic church, but we are not told the purposes for which the knots were used. See Il Fetha Nagast o legislazione dei re, codice ecclesiastico e civile di Abissinia, tradotto e annotato da Ignazio Guidi (Rome, 1899), p. 140.
1152For examples see Horace, Sat. i. 8, 23 sq.; Virgil, Aen. iii. 370, iv. 509; Ovid, Metam. vii. 182 sq.; Tibullus, i. 3. 29-32; Petronius, Sat. 44; Aulus Gellius, iv. 3. 3; Columella, De re rustica, x. 357-362; Athenaeus, v. 28, p. 198 e; Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum,2 Nos. 653 (lines 23 sq.) and 939; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'inscriptions grecques, No. 694. Compare Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 518, “In sacris nihil solet esse religatum.”
1153Ovid, Fasti, iii. 257 sq.
1154Thucydides, iii. 22.
1155Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. iv. 133.
1156Virgil, Aen. vii. 689 sq.
1157Pindar, Pyth. iv. 129 sqq.: Apollonius Rhodius, Argonaut. i. 5 sqq.; Apollodorus, i. 9. 16.
1158Artemidorus, Onirocrit. iv. 63. At Chemmis in Upper Egypt there was a temple of Perseus, and the people said that from time to time Perseus appeared to them and they found his great sandal, two cubits long, which was a sign of prosperity for the whole land of Egypt. See Herodotus, ii. 91.
1159Gazette archéologique, 1884, plates 44, 45, 46 with the remarks of De Witte and F. Lenormant, pp. 352 sq. The skin on which the man is crouching is probably the so-called “fleece of Zeus” (Διὸς κώδιον), as to which see Hesychius and Suidas, s. v.; Polemo, ed. Preller, pp. 140-142; C. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, pp. 183 sqq. Compare my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8.
1160Virgil, Aen. iv. 517 sqq.
1161I. Goldziher, “Der Dîwân des Garwal b. Aus Al-Hutej' a,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xlvi. (1892) p. 5.
1162See Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iii. 370: “In ratione sacrorum par est et animae et corporis causa: nam plerumque quae non possunt circa animam fieri fiunt circa corpus, ut solvere vel ligare, quo possit anima, quod per se non potest, ex cognatione sentire.”
1163Livy, i. 18. 7.
1164“UNUM EXUTA PEDEM quia id agitur, ut et ista solvatur et implicetur Aeneas,” Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iv. 518.
1165“On a Far-off Island,” Blackwood's Magazine, February 1886, p. 238.
1166Clement of Alexandria, Strom. v. 5. 28, p. 662, ed. Potter; Jamblichus, Adhortatio ad philosophiam, 23; Plutarch, De educatione puerorum, 17. According to others, all that Pythagoras forbade was the wearing of a ring on which the likeness of a god was engraved (Diogenes Laertius, viii. 1. 17; Porphyry, Vit. Pythag. 42; Suidas, s. v. Πυθαγόρας); according to Julian a ring was only forbidden if it bore the names of the gods (Julian, Or. vii. p. 236 d, p. 306 ed. Dindorf). I have shewn elsewhere that the maxims or symbols of Pythagoras, as they were called, are in great measure merely popular superstitions (Folk-lore, i. (1890) pp. 147 sqq.).
1167This we learn from an inscription found on the site. See Ἐφημερὶς ἀρχαιολογική, Athens, 1898, col. 249; Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 939.
1168Ovid, Fasti, iv. 657 sq.
1169I. V. Zingerle, Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes,2 p. 3.
1170J. Scheffer, Lapponia (Frankfort, 1673), p. 313.
1171R. F. Kaindl, Die Huzulen (Vienna, 1894), p. 89; id., “Viehzucht und Viehzauber in den Ostkarpaten,” Globus, lxix. (1896) p. 386.
1172W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 13, 16.
1173M. Merker, Die Masai (Berlin, 1904), p. 143.
1174M. Merker, op. cit. pp. 200 sq., 202; compare, id. p. 250.
1175Above, p. .
1176Above, pp. , .
1177Above, p. .
1178De la Borde, “Relation de l'origine, etc., des Caraibes sauvages,” p. 15, in Recueil de divers voyages faits en Afrique et en l'Amérique (Paris, 1684).
1179A considerable body of evidence as to rings and the virtues attributed to them has been collected by Mr. W. Jones in his work Finger-ring Lore (London, 1877). See also W. G. Black, Folk-medicine, pp. 172-177.
1180Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 8. See above, p. .
1181Marcellinus on Hermogenes, in Rhetores Graeci, ed. Walz, iv. 462; Sopater, ibid. viii. 67.
1182Demosthenes, Contra Androt. 68, p. 614; P. Foucart, Le Culte de Dionysos en Attique (Paris, 1904), p. 168.
1183H. A. Oldfield, Sketches from Nipal (London, 1880), ii. 342 sq.
1184Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 3; Quintus Curtius, iii. 1; Justin, xi. 7; Schol. on Euripides, Hippolytus, 671.
1185Public talismans, on which the safety of the state was supposed to depend, were common in antiquity. See C. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, pp. 278 sqq., and my note on Pausanias, viii. 47. 5.
1186On the primitive conception of the relation of names to persons and things, see E. B. Tylor, Early History of Mankind,3 pp. 123 sqq.; R. Andree, Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche (Stuttgart, 1878), pp. 165 sqq.; E. Clodd, Tom-tit-tot (London, 1898), pp. 53 sqq., 79 sqq. In what follows I have used with advantage the works of all these writers.
1187J. Mooney, “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,” Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1891), p. 343.
1188E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, part i. (Washington, 1899) p. 289.
1189A. C. Kruijt, “Van Paloppo naar Posso,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xlii. (1898) pp. 61 sq.
1190Professor (Sir) J. Rhys, “Welsh Fairies,” The Nineteenth Century, xxx. (July-December 1891) pp. 566 sq.
1191A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 377; compare id. p. 440.
1192R. Brough Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, i. 469, note.
1193C. Lumholtz, Among Cannibals (London, 1889), p. 280.
1194A. W. Howitt, op. cit. p. 736.
1195A. W. Howitt, op. cit. p. 133.
1196E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, i. 46.
1197J. Bulmer, in Brough Smyth's Aborigines of Victoria, ii. 94. The writer appears to mean that the natives feared they would die if any one, or at any rate, an enemy, learned their real names.
1198Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 139; compare ibid. p. 637; id., Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 584 sq.
1199E. Lefébure, “La Vertu et la vie du nom en Égypte,” Mélusine, viii. (1897) coll. 226 sq.
1200Mansfield Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia (London, 1868), pp. 301 sq.
1201Grihya Sûtras, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp. 50, 183, 395, part ii. pp. 55, 215, 281; A. Hillebrandt, Vedische Opfer und Zauber, pp. 46, 170 sq.; W. Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, p. 162, note 20; D. C. J. Ibbetson, Outlines of Punjáb Ethnography (Calcutta, 1883), p. 118; W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), i. 24, ii. 5; id., Natives of Northern India (London, 1907), p. 199.
1202A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, p. 109.
1203A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 98.
1204L. J. B. Bérenger-Féraud, Les Peuples de la Sénégambie (Paris, 1879), p. 28.
1205E. Modigliani, Un Viaggio a Nías (Milan, 1890), p. 465.
1206T. C. Hodson, “The genna amongst the Tribes of Assam,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvi. (1906) p. 97.
1207C. de Sabir, “Quelques notes sur les Manègres,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), Vme Série, i. (1861) p. 51.
1208A. Schadenburg, “Die Bewohner von Süd-Mindanao und der Insel Samal,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xvii. (1885) p. 30.
1209J. H. W. van der Miesen, “Een en ander over Boeroe,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xlvi. (1902) p. 455; J. W. Meerburg, “Proeve einer beschrijving van land en volk van Midden-Manggarai (West-Flores), Afdeeling Bima,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xxxiv. (1891) p. 465.
1210F. Kauffmann, Balder (Strasburg, 1902), p. 198.
1211This I learned from my wife, who spent some years in Chili and visited the island of Chiloe.
1212E. R. Smith, The Araucanians (London, 1855), p. 222.
1213E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (London, 1883), p. 220.
1214F. A. Simons, “An Exploration of the Goajira Peninsula, U.S. of Colombia,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S., vii. (1885) p. 790.
1215Dr. Cullen, “The Darien Indians,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S., iv. (1866) p. 265.
1216A. Pinart, “Les Indiens de l'État de Panama,” Revue d'Ethnographie, vi. (1887) p. 44.
1217C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, i. 462.
1218H. R. Schoolcraft, The American Indians, their History, Condition, and Prospects (Buffalo, 1851), p. 213. Compare id., Oneóta, or Characteristics of the Red Race of America (New York and London, 1845), p. 456.
1219H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, iv. 217.
1220J. G. Bourke, “Notes upon the Religion of the Apache Indians,” Folk-lore ii. (1891) p. 423.
1221A. S. Galschet, The Karankawa Indians, the Coast People of Texas (Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, vol. i. No. 2), p. 69.
1222S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), p. 315.
1223G. B. Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales, p. 194.
1224Relations des Jésuites, 1633, p. 3 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858).
1225Peter Jones, History of the Ojebway Indians, p. 162. Compare A. P. Reid, “Religious Beliefs of the Ojibois or Sauteux Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, iii. (1874) p. 107.