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The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 03 of 12)

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§ 3. Sharp Weapons tabooed

The use of sharp-edged weapons is sometimes forbidden lest they should wound spirits. Sharp-edged weapons removed from a room where there is a lying-in woman.

There is a priestly king to the north of Zengwih in Burma, revered by the Sotih as the highest spiritual and temporal authority, into whose house no weapon or cutting instrument may be brought.760 This rule may perhaps be explained by a custom observed by various peoples after a death; they refrain from the use of sharp instruments so long as the ghost of the deceased is supposed to be near, lest they should wound it. Thus among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait “during the day on which a person dies in the village no one is permitted to work, and the relatives must perform no labour during the three following days. It is especially forbidden during this period to cut with any edged instrument, such as a knife or an axe; and the use of pointed instruments, like needles or bodkins, is also forbidden. This is said to be done to avoid cutting or injuring the shade, which may be present at any time during this period, and, if accidentally injured by any of these things, it would become very angry and bring sickness or death to the people. The relatives must also be very careful at this time not to make any loud or harsh noises that may startle or anger the shade.”761 We have seen that in like manner after killing a white whale these Esquimaux abstain from the use of cutting or pointed instruments for four days, lest they should unwittingly cut or stab the whale's ghost.762 The same taboo is sometimes observed by them when there is a sick person in the village, probably from a fear of injuring his shade which may be hovering outside of his body.763 After a death the Roumanians of Transylvania are careful not to leave a knife lying with the sharp edge uppermost as long as the corpse remains in the house, “or else the soul will be forced to ride on the blade.”764 For seven days after a death, the corpse being still in the house, the Chinese abstain from the use of knives and needles, and even of chopsticks, eating their food with their fingers.765 On the third, sixth, ninth, and fortieth days after the funeral the old Prussians and Lithuanians used to prepare a meal, to which, standing at the door, they invited the soul of the deceased. At these meals they sat silent round the table and used no knives, and the women who served up the food were also without knives. If any morsels fell from the table they were left lying there for the lonely souls that had no living relations or friends to feed them. When the meal was over the priest took a broom and swept the souls out of the house, saying, “Dear souls, ye have eaten and drunk. Go forth, go forth.”766 In cutting the nails and combing the hair of a dead prince in South Celebes only the back of the knife and of the comb may be used.767 The Germans say that a knife should not be left edge upwards, because God and the spirits dwell there, or because it will cut the face of God and the angels.768 Among the Monumbos of New Guinea a pregnant woman may not use sharp instruments; for example, she may not sew. If she used such instruments, they think that she would thereby stab the child in her womb.769 Among the Kayans of Borneo, when the birth-pangs begin, all men leave the room, and all cutting weapons and iron are also removed, “perhaps in order not to frighten the child,” says the writer who reports the custom.770 The reason may rather be a fear of injuring the flitting soul of mother or babe. In Uganda, when the hour of a woman's delivery is at hand, her husband carries all spears and weapons out of the house,771 doubtless in order that they may not hurt the tender soul of the new-born child. Early in the period of the Ming dynasty a professor of geomancy made the alarming discovery that the spiritual atmosphere of Kü-yung, a city near Nanking, was in a truly deplorable condition through the intrusion of an evil spirit. The Chinese emperor, with paternal solicitude, directed that the north gate, by which the devil had effected his entrance, should be built up solid, and that for the future the population of the city should devote their energies to the pursuits of hair-dressing, corn-cutting, and the shaving of bamboo-roots, because, as he sagaciously perceived, all these professions call for the use of sharp-edged instruments, which could not fail to keep the demon at bay.772 We can now understand why no cutting instrument may be taken into the house of the Burmese pontiff. Like so many priestly kings, he is probably regarded as divine, and it is therefore right that his sacred spirit should not be exposed to the risk of being cut or wounded whenever it quits his body to hover invisible in the air or to fly on some distant mission.

 

§ 4. Blood tabooed

Raw meat tabooed because the life or spirit is in the blood.

We have seen that the Flamen Dialis was forbidden to touch or even name raw flesh.773 At certain times a Brahman teacher is enjoined not to look on raw flesh, blood, or persons whose hands have been cut off.774 In Uganda the father of twins is in a state of taboo for some time after the birth; among other rules he is forbidden to kill anything or to see blood.775 In the Pelew Islands when a raid has been made on a village and a head carried off, the relations of the slain man are tabooed and have to submit to certain observances in order to escape the wrath of his ghost. They are shut up in the house, touch no raw flesh, and chew betel over which an incantation has been uttered by the exorcist. After this the ghost of the slaughtered man goes away to the enemy's country in pursuit of his murderer.776 The taboo is probably based on the common belief that the soul or spirit of the animal is in the blood. As tabooed persons are believed to be in a perilous state – for example, the relations of the slain man are liable to the attacks of his indignant ghost – it is especially necessary to isolate them from contact with spirits; hence the prohibition to touch raw meat. But as usual the taboo is only the special enforcement of a general precept; in other words, its observance is particularly enjoined in circumstances which seem urgently to call for its application, but apart from such circumstances the prohibition is also observed, though less strictly, as a common rule of life. Thus some of the Esthonians will not taste blood because they believe that it contains the animal's soul, which would enter the body of the person who tasted the blood.777 Some Indian tribes of North America, “through a strong principle of religion, abstain in the strictest manner from eating the blood of any animal, as it contains the life and spirit of the beast.” These Indians “commonly pull their new-killed venison (before they dress it) several times through the smoke and flame of the fire, both by the way of a sacrifice and to consume the blood, life, or animal spirits of the beast, which with them would be a most horrid abomination to eat.”778 Among the western Dénés or Tinneh Indians of British Columbia until lately no woman would partake of blood, “and both men and women abhorred the flesh of a beaver which had been caught and died in a trap, and of a bear strangled to death in a snare, because the blood remained in the carcase.”779 Many of the Slave, Hare, and Dogrib Indians scruple to taste the blood of game; hunters of the former tribes collect the blood in the animal's paunch and bury it in the snow.780 The Malepa, a Bantu tribe in the north of the Transvaal, will taste no blood. Hence they cut the throats of the cattle they slaughter and let the blood drain out of the carcase before they will eat it. And they do the same with game.781 Jewish hunters poured out the blood of the game they had killed and covered it up with dust. They would not taste the blood, believing that the soul or life of the animal was in the blood, or actually was the blood.782 The same belief was held by the Romans,783 and is shared by the Arabs,784 by Chinese medical writers,785 and by some of the Papuan tribes of New Guinea.786

Royal blood may not be spilt on the ground; hence kings and princes are put to death by methods which do not involve bloodshed.

It is a common rule that royal blood may not be shed upon the ground. Hence when a king or one of his family is to be put to death a mode of execution is devised by which the royal blood shall not be spilt upon the earth. About the year 1688 the generalissimo of the army rebelled against the king of Siam and put him to death “after the manner of royal criminals, or as princes of the blood are treated when convicted of capital crimes, which is by putting them into a large iron caldron, and pounding them to pieces with wooden pestles, because none of their royal blood must be spilt on the ground, it being, by their religion, thought great impiety to contaminate the divine blood by mixing it with earth.”787 Other Siamese modes of executing a royal person are starvation, suffocation, stretching him on a scarlet cloth and thrusting a billet of fragrant sandal-wood into his stomach,788 or lastly, sewing him up in a leather sack with a large stone and throwing him into the river; sometimes the sufferer's neck is broken with sandal-wood clubs before he is thrown into the water.789 When Kublai Khan defeated and took his uncle Nayan, who had rebelled against him, he caused Nayan to be put to death by being wrapt in a carpet and tossed to and fro till he died, “because he would not have the blood of his Line Imperial spilt upon the ground or exposed in the eye of Heaven and before the Sun.”790 “Friar Ricold mentions the Tartar maxim: ‘One Khan will put another to death to get possession of the throne, but he takes great care that the blood be not spilt. For they say that it is highly improper that the blood of the Great Khan should be spilt upon the ground; so they cause the victim to be smothered somehow or other.’ The like feeling prevails at the court of Burma, where a peculiar mode of execution without bloodshed is reserved for princes of the blood.”791 Another writer on Burma observes that “according to Mongolian tradition, it is considered improper to spill the blood of any member of the royal race. Princes of the Blood are executed by a blow, or blows, of a bludgeon, inflicted on the back of the neck. The corpse is placed in a red velvet sack, which is fixed between two large perforated jars, and then sunk in the river Irawadi. Princesses are executed in a similar manner, with the exception that they are put to death by a blow in front, instead of the back of the neck.”792 In 1878 the relations of Theebaw, king of Burma, were despatched by being beaten across the throat with a bamboo.793 In Tonquin the ordinary mode of execution is beheading, but persons of the blood royal are strangled.794 In Ashantee the blood of none of the royal family may be shed; if one of them is guilty of a great crime he is drowned in the river Dah.795 As the blood royal of Dahomey may not be spilled, offenders of the royal family are drowned or strangled. Commonly they are bound hand and foot, carried out to sea in a canoe, and thrown overboard.796 When a king of Benin came to the throne he used to put his brothers to death; but as no one might lay hands on a prince of the blood, the king commanded his brothers to hang themselves, after which he buried their bodies with great pomp.797 In Madagascar the blood of nobles might not be shed; hence when four Christians of that class were to be executed they were burned alive.798 In Uganda “no one may shed royal blood on any account, not even when ordered by the king to slay one of the royal house; royalty may only be starved or burned to death.”799 Formerly when a young king of Uganda came of age all his brothers were burnt except two or three, who were preserved to keep up the succession.800 Or a space of ground having been fenced in with a high paling and a deep ditch, the doomed men were led into the enclosure and left there till they died, while guards kept watch outside to prevent their escape.801 Among the Bawenda of southern Africa dangerous princes are strangled, for their blood may not be shed.802

 

Reluctance to shed any human blood on the ground. Reluctance to allow human blood to fall on the ground.

The reluctance to spill royal blood seems to be only a particular case of a general unwillingness to shed blood or at least to allow it to fall on the ground. Marco Polo tells us that in his day persons caught in the streets of Cambaluc (Peking) at unseasonable hours were arrested, and if found guilty of a misdemeanour were beaten with a stick. “Under this punishment people sometimes die, but they adopt it in order to eschew bloodshed, for their Bacsis say that it is an evil thing to shed man's blood.”803 When Captain Christian was shot by the Manx Government at the Restoration in 1660, the spot on which he stood was covered with white blankets, that his blood might not fall on the ground.804 In West Sussex people believe that the ground on which human blood has been shed is accursed and will remain barren for ever.805 Among some primitive peoples, when the blood of a tribesman has to be spilt it is not suffered to fall upon the ground, but is received upon the bodies of his fellow-tribesmen. Thus in some Australian tribes boys who are being circumcised are laid on a platform, formed by the living bodies of the tribesmen;806 and when a boy's tooth is knocked out as an initiatory ceremony, he is seated on the shoulders of a man, on whose breast the blood flows and may not be wiped away.807 When Australian blacks bleed each other as a cure for headache and other ailments, they are very careful not to spill any of the blood on the ground, but sprinkle it on each other.808 We have already seen that in the Australian ceremony for making rain the blood which is supposed to imitate the rain is received upon the bodies of the tribesmen.809 “Also the Gauls used to drink their enemies' blood and paint themselves therewith. So also they write that the old Irish were wont; and so have I seen some of the Irish do, but not their enemies' but friends' blood, as, namely, at the execution of a notable traitor at Limerick, called Murrogh O'Brien, I saw an old woman, which was his foster-mother, take up his head whilst he was quartered and suck up all the blood that ran thereout, saying that the earth was not worthy to drink it, and therewith also steeped her face and breast and tore her hair, crying out and shrieking most terribly.”810 After a battle in Horne Island, South Pacific, it was found that the brother of the vanquished king was among the wounded. “It was sad to see his wife collect in her hands the blood which had flowed from his wounds, and throw it on to her head, while she uttered piercing cries. All the relatives of the wounded collected in the same manner the blood which had flowed from them, down even to the last drop, and they even applied their lips to the leaves of the shrubs and licked it all up to the last drop.”811 In the Marquesas Islands the persons who helped a woman at childbirth received on their heads the blood which flowed at the cutting of the navel-string; for the blood might not touch anything but a sacred object, and in Polynesia the head is sacred in a high degree.812 In South Celebes at childbirth a female slave stands under the house (the houses being raised on posts above the ground) and receives in a basin on her head the blood which trickles through the bamboo floor.813 Among the Latuka of central Africa the earth on which a drop of blood has fallen at childbirth is carefully scraped up with an iron shovel, put into a pot along with the water used in washing the mother, and buried tolerably deep outside the house on the left-hand side.814 In West Africa, if a drop of your blood has fallen on the ground, you must carefully cover it up, rub and stamp it into the soil; if it has fallen on the side of a canoe or a tree, the place is cut out and the chip destroyed.815 The Caffres, we are told, have a great horror of blood, and must purify themselves from the pollution if they have shed it and been bespattered by it. Hence warriors on the return from battle purge themselves with emetics, and that so violently that some of them give up the ghost. A Caffre would never allow even a drop of blood from his nose or a wound to lie uncovered, but huddles it over with earth, that his feet may not be defiled by it.816 One motive of these African customs may be a wish to prevent the blood from falling into the hands of magicians, who might make an evil use of it. That is admittedly the reason why people in West Africa stamp out any blood of theirs which has fallen on the ground or cut out any wood that has been soaked with it.817 From a like dread of sorcery natives of New Guinea are careful to burn any sticks, leaves, or rags which are stained with their blood; and if the blood has dripped on the ground they turn up the soil and if possible light a fire on the spot.818 The same fear explains the curious duties discharged by a class of men called ramanga or “blue blood” among the Betsileo of Madagascar. It is their business to eat all the nail-parings and to lick up all the spilt blood of the nobles. When the nobles pare their nails, the parings are collected to the last scrap and swallowed by these ramanga. If the parings are too large, they are minced small and so gulped down. Again, should a nobleman wound himself, say in cutting his nails or treading on something, the ramanga lick it up as fast as possible. Nobles of high rank hardly go anywhere without these humble attendants; but if it should happen that there are none of them present, the cut nails and the spilt blood are carefully collected to be afterwards swallowed by the ramanga. There is scarcely a nobleman of any pretensions who does not strictly observe this custom,819 the intention of which probably is to prevent these parts of his person from falling into the hands of sorcerers, who on the principles of contagious magic could work him harm thereby. The tribes of the White Nile are said never to shed human blood in their villages because they think the sight of it would render women barren or bring misfortune on their children. Hence executions and murders commonly take place on the roads or in the forest.820

Unwillingness to shed the blood of animals.

The unwillingness to shed blood is extended by some peoples to the blood of animals. Thus, when the Caffres offer an ox to the spirits, the blood of the beast must be carefully caught in a calabash, and none of it may fall on the ground.821 When the Wanika in eastern Africa kill their cattle for food, “they either stone or beat the animal to death, so as not to shed the blood.”822 Amongst the Damaras cattle killed for food are suffocated, but when sacrificed they are speared to death.823 But like most pastoral tribes in Africa, both the Wanika and Damaras very seldom kill their cattle, which are indeed commonly invested with a kind of sanctity.824 Some of the Ewe-speaking negroes of Togoland, in West Africa, celebrate a festival in honour of the Earth at which it is unlawful to shed blood on the ground. Hence the fowls which are sacrificed on these occasions have their necks wrung, not their throats cut.825 In killing an animal for food the Easter Islanders do not shed its blood, but stun it or suffocate it in smoke.826 When the natives of San Cristoval, one of the Solomon Islands, sacrifice a pig to a ghost in a sacred place, they take great care that the blood shall not fall on the ground; so they place the animal in a large bowl and cut it up there.827 It is said that in ancient India the sacrificial victims were not slaughtered but strangled.828

Anything on which a Maori chief's blood falls becomes sacred to him.

The general explanation of the reluctance to shed blood on the ground is probably to be found in the belief that the soul is in the blood, and that therefore any ground on which it may fall necessarily becomes taboo or sacred. In New Zealand anything upon which even a drop of a high chief's blood chances to fall becomes taboo or sacred to him. For instance, a party of natives having come to visit a chief in a fine new canoe, the chief got into it, but in doing so a splinter entered his foot, and the blood trickled on the canoe, which at once became sacred to him. The owner jumped out, dragged the canoe ashore opposite the chief's house, and left it there. Again, a chief in entering a missionary's house knocked his head against a beam, and the blood flowed. The natives said that in former times the house would have belonged to the chief.829 As usually happens with taboos of universal application, the prohibition to spill the blood of a tribesman on the ground applies with peculiar stringency to chiefs and kings, and is observed in their case long after it has ceased to be observed in the case of others.

The prohibition to pass under a trellised vine is probably based on the idea that the juice of the grape is the blood or spirit of the vine. This notion is confirmed by the intoxicating or inspiring effect of wine.

We have seen that the Flamen Dialis was not allowed to walk under a trellised vine.830 The reason for this prohibition was perhaps as follows. It has been shewn that plants are considered as animate beings which bleed when cut, the red juice which exudes from some of them being regarded as the blood of the plant.831 The juice of the grape is therefore naturally conceived as the blood of the vine.832 And since, as we have just seen, the soul is often believed to be in the blood, the juice of the grape is regarded as the soul, or as containing the soul, of the vine. This belief is strengthened by the intoxicating effects of wine. For, according to primitive notions, all abnormal mental states, such as intoxication or madness, are caused by the entrance of a spirit into the person; such mental states, in other words, are accounted forms of possession or inspiration. Wine, therefore, is considered on two distinct grounds as a spirit, or containing a spirit; first because, as a red juice, it is identified with the blood of the plant, and second because it intoxicates or inspires. Therefore if the Flamen Dialis had walked under a trellised vine, the spirit of the vine, embodied in the clusters of grapes, would have been immediately over his head and might have touched it, which for a person like him in a state of permanent taboo833 would have been highly dangerous. This interpretation of the prohibition will be made probable if we can shew, first, that wine has been actually viewed by some peoples as blood, and intoxication as inspiration produced by drinking the blood; and, second, that it is often considered dangerous, especially for tabooed persons, to have either blood or a living person over their heads.

Wine treated as blood, and intoxication as inspiration.

With regard to the first point, we are informed by Plutarch that of old the Egyptian kings neither drank wine nor offered it in libations to the gods, because they held it to be the blood of beings who had once fought against the gods, the vine having sprung from their rotting bodies; and the frenzy of intoxication was explained by the supposition that the drunken man was filled with the blood of the enemies of the gods.834 The Aztecs regarded pulque or the wine of the country as bad, on account of the wild deeds which men did under its influence. But these wild deeds were believed to be the acts, not of the drunken man, but of the wine-god by whom he was possessed and inspired; and so seriously was this theory of inspiration held that if any one spoke ill of or insulted a tipsy man, he was liable to be punished for disrespect to the wine-god incarnate in his votary. Hence, says Sahagun, it was believed, not without ground, that the Indians intoxicated themselves on purpose to commit with impunity crimes for which they would certainly have been punished if they had committed them sober.835 Thus it appears that on the primitive view intoxication or the inspiration produced by wine is exactly parallel to the inspiration produced by drinking the blood of animals.836 The soul or life is in the blood, and wine is the blood of the vine. Hence whoever drinks the blood of an animal is inspired with the soul of the animal or of the god, who, as we have seen,837 is often supposed to enter into the animal before it is slain; and whoever drinks wine drinks the blood, and so receives into himself the soul or spirit, of the god of the vine.

Fear of passing under women's blood.

With regard to the second point, the fear of passing under blood or under a living person, we are told that some of the Australian blacks have a dread of passing under a leaning tree or even under the rails of a fence. The reason they give is that a woman may have been upon the tree or fence, and some blood from her may have fallen on it and might fall from it on them.838 In Ugi, one of the Solomon Islands, a man will never, if he can help it, pass under a tree which has fallen across the path, for the reason that a woman may have stepped over it before him.839 Amongst the Karens of Burma “going under a house, especially if there are females within, is avoided; as is also the passing under trees of which the branches extend downwards in a particular direction, and the butt-end of fallen trees, etc.”840 The Siamese think it unlucky to pass under a rope on which women's clothes are hung, and to avert evil consequences the person who has done so must build a chapel to the earth-spirit.841

Disastrous effect of women's blood on men.

Probably in all such cases the rule is based on a fear of being brought into contact with blood, especially the blood of women. From a like fear a Maori will never lean his back against the wall of a native house.842 For the blood of women is supposed to have disastrous effects upon males. The Arunta of central Australia believe that a draught of woman's blood would kill the strongest man.843 In the Encounter Bay tribe of South Australia boys are warned that if they see the blood of women they will early become grey-headed and their strength will fail prematurely.844 Men of the Booandik tribe in South Australia think that if they see the blood of their women they will not be able to fight against their enemies and will be killed; if the sun dazzles their eyes at a fight, the first woman they afterwards meet is sure to get a blow from their club.845 In the island of Wetar it is thought that if a man or a lad comes upon a woman's blood he will be unfortunate in war and other undertakings, and that any precautions he may take to avoid the misfortune will be vain.846 The people of Ceram also believe that men who see women's blood will be wounded in battle.847 It is an Esthonian belief that men who see women's blood will suffer from an eruption on the skin.848 A Fan negro told Miss Kingsley that a young man in his village, who was so weak that he could hardly crawl about, had fallen into this state through seeing the blood of a woman who had been killed by a falling tree. “The underlying idea regarding blood is of course the old one that the blood is the life. The life in Africa means a spirit, hence the liberated blood is the liberated spirit, and liberated spirits are always whipping into people who do not want them. In the case of the young Fan, the opinion held was that the weak spirit of the woman had got into him.”849

760A. Bastian, Die Völker des östlichen Asien, i. (Leipsic, 1866) p. 136.
761E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, part i. (Washington, 1899) p. 312. Compare ibid. pp. 315, 364; W. H. Dall, Alaska and its Resources, p. 146; id., in American Naturalist, xii. 7; id., in The Yukon Territory (London, 1898), p. 146.
762See above, p. .
763A. Woldt, Captain Jacobsen's Reise an der Nordwestküste Americas 1881-1883 (Leipsic, 1884), p. 243.
764W. Schmidt, Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der Romänen Siebenbürgens (Hermannstadt, 1866), p. 40; E. Gerard, The Land beyond the Forest, i. 312.
765J. H. Gray, China (London, 1878), i. 288.
766Jo. Meletius (Maeletius, Menecius), “De religione et sacrificiis veterum Borussorum,” in De Russorum Muscovitarum et Tartarorum religione, sacrificiis, nuptiarum, funerum ritu (Spires, 1582), p. 263; id., reprinted in Scriptores rerum Livonicarum, vol. ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 391 sq., and in Mitteilungen der Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia, viii. (Lötzen, 1902) pp. 194 sq. Compare Chr. Hartknoch, Alt und neues Preussen (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1684), pp. 187 sq.
767B. F. Matthes, Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes, p. 136.
768Tettau und Temme, Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens, p. 285; J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 iii. 454, compare pp. 441, 469; J. V. Grohmann, Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren, p. 198, § 1387.
769Franz Vormann, “Zur Psychologie, Soziologie und Geschichte der Monumbo-Papua, Deutsch-Neuginea,” Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 410.
770A. W. Nieuwenhuis, In Centraal Borneo (Leyden, 1900), i. 61; id., Quer durch Borneo, i. 69.
771Fr. Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin, 1894), p. 184.
772J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, iii. 1045 (Leyden, 1897).
773Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 110; Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 12. See above, p. 13.
774Grihya-Sutras, translated by H. Oldenberg, part i. pp. 81, 141 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxix.).
775J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 53.
776J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer (Berlin, 1885), pp. 126 sq.
777F. J. Wiedemann, Aus dem inneren und äussern Leben der Ehsten (St. Petersburg, 1876), pp. 448, 478.
778James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), pp. 134, 117. The Indians described by Adair are the Creek, Cherokee, and other tribes in the south-east of the United States.
779A. G. Morice, “The Western Dénés, their Manners and Customs,” Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, Third Series, vii. (1888-89) p. 164.
780E. Petitot, Monographie des Dènè-Dindjié (Paris, 1876), p. 76.
781Schlömann, “Die Malepa in Transvaal,” Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1894, p. (67).
782Leviticus xvii. 10-14. The Hebrew word (נפש) translated “life” in the English version of verse 11 means also “soul” (marginal note in the Revised Version). Compare Deuteronomy xii. 23-25.
783Servius on Virgil, Aen. v. 79; compare id. on Aen. iii. 67.
784J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidentumes (Berlin, 1887), p. 217.
785J. J. M. de Groot, Religious System of China, iv. 80-82.
786A. Goudswaard, De Papoewa's van de Geelvinksbaai (Schiedam, 1863), p. 77.
787Hamilton's “Account of the East Indies,” in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii. 469. Compare W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 i. 369, note 1.
788De la Loubere, Du royaume de Siam (Amsterdam, 1691), i. 317.
789Pallegoix, Description du royaume Thai ou Siam, i. 271, 365 sq.
790Marco Polo, translated by Col. H. Yule (Second Edition, 1875), i. 335.
791Col. H. Yule on Marco Polo, l. c.
792A. Fytche, Burma, Past and Present (London, 1878), i. 217 note. Compare Indian Antiquary, xxix. (1900) p. 199.
793Indian Antiquary, xx. (1891) p. 49.
794Baron's “Description of the Kingdom of Tonqueen,” in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, ix. 691.
795T. E. Bowdich, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee (London, 1873), p. 207.
796A. B. Ellis, Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 224, compare p. 89.
797O. Dapper, Description de l'Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 313.
798J. Sibree, Madagascar and its People, p. 430.
799J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 50.
800C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (London, 1882), i. 200.
801J. Roscoe, op. cit. p. 67. There is an Arab legend of a king who was slain by opening the veins of his arms and letting the blood drain into a bowl; not a drop might fall on the ground, otherwise there would be blood revenge for it. Robertson Smith conjectured that the legend was based on an old form of sacrifice regularly applied to captive chiefs (Religion of the Semites,2 p. 369 note, compare p. 418 note).
802Rev. E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) p. 366.
803Marco Polo, i. 399, Yule's translation, Second Edition.
804Sir Walter Scott, note 2 to Peveril of the Peak, ch. v.
805Charlotte Latham, “Some West Sussex Superstitions,” Folk-lore Record, i. (1878) p. 17.
806Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 230; E. J. Eyre, Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia, ii. 335; R. Brough Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, i. 75 note.
807D. Collins, Account of the English Colony of New South Wales (London, 1798), p. 580.
808Native Tribes of South Australia, pp. 224 sq.; G. F. Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand (London, 1847), i. 110 sq.
809The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. i. p. 256.
810Edmund Spenser, View of the State of Ireland, p. 101 (reprinted in H. Morley's Ireland under Elizabeth and James the First, London, 1890).
811“Futuna, or Horne Island and its People,” Journal of the Polynesian Society, vol. i. No. 1 (April 1892), p. 43.
812Max Radiguet, Les Derniers Sauvages (Paris, 1882), p. 175.
813B. F. Matthes, Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes, p. 53.
814Fr. Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika, p. 795.
815Miss Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, pp. 440, 447.
816A. Kropf, “Die religiösen Anschauungen der Kaffern,” Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1888, p. (46).
817R. H. Nassau, Fetichism in West Africa (London, 1904), p. 83.
818Le R. P. Guis, “Les Nepu ou Sorciers,” Missions Catholiques, xxxvi. (1904) p. 370. See also The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. i. p. 205.
819A. van Gennep, Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar, p. 338, quoting J. Sibree, “Remarkable Ceremonial at the Decease and Burial of a Betsileo Prince,” Antananarivo Annual, No. xxii. (1898) pp. 195 sq.
820Brun-Rollet, Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan (Paris, 1855), pp. 239 sq.
821Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 169.
822Lieut. Emery, in Journal of the R. Geographical Society, iii. 282.
823Ch. Andersson, Lake Ngami (London, 1856), p. 224.
824Ch. New, Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa, p. 124; Francis Galton, “Domestication of Animals,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S., iii. (1865) p. 135. On the original sanctity of domestic animals see, above all, W. Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 280 sqq., 295 sqq.
825J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme, p. 796.
826L. Linton Palmer, “A Visit to Easter Island,” Journal of the R. Geographical Society, xl. (1870) p. 171.
827R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 129.
828Strabo, xv. 1. 54, p. 710.
829R. Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants,2 pp. 194 sq.
830Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 112; Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 13. See above, p. 14.
831The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. ii. pp. 18, 20.
832Compare W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 p. 230.
833“Dialis cotidie feriatus est,” Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 16.
834Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 6. A myth apparently akin to this has been preserved in some native Egyptian writings. See Ad. Erman, Ägypten und ägyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 364. Wine might not be taken into the temple at Heliopolis (Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 6). It was apparently forbidden to enter the temple at Delos after drinking wine (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 564). When wine was offered to the Good Goddess at Rome it was not called wine but milk (Macrobius, Saturn, i. 12. 5; Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 20). It was a rule of Roman religion that wine might not be poured out in libations to the gods which had been made either from grapes trodden with bleeding feet or from the clusters of a vine beside which a human body had hung in a noose (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xiv. 119). This rule shews that wine was supposed to be defiled by blood or death.
835Bernardino de Sahagun, Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne, traduite par Jourdanet et Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp. 46 sq. The native Mexican wine (pulque) is made from the sap of the great American aloe. See the note of the French translators of Sahagun, op. cit. pp. 858 sqq.; E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. 374 sqq. The Chiquites Indians of Paraguay believed that the spirit of chica, or beer made from maize, could punish with sickness the person who was so irreverent or careless as to upset a vessel of the liquor. See Charlevoix, Histoire du Paraguay (Paris, 1756), ii. 234.
836See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. i. pp. 381 sqq.
837Op. cit. vol. i. pp. 384 sq.
838E. M. Curr, The Australian Race (Melbourne and London, 1887), iii. 179.
839H. B. Guppy, The Solomon Islands and their Natives (London, 1887), p. 41.
840E. B. Cross, “On the Karens,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, iv. (1854) p. 312.
841A. Bastian, Die Völker des östlichen Asien, iii. 230.
842For the reason, see E. Shortland, Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders, pp. 112 sq., 292; E. Tregear, “The Maoris of New Zealand,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 118.
843F. J. Gillen, in Report of the Horn Scientific Expedition to Central Australia, pt. iv. p. 182.
844Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 186.
845Mrs. James Smith, The Booandik Tribe, p. 5.
846J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, p. 450.
847J. G. F. Riedel, op. cit. p. 139, compare p. 209.
848F. J. Wiedemann, Aus dem innern und äussern Leben der Ehsten, p. 475.
849Miss Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, p. 447. Conversely among the central Australian tribes women are never allowed to witness the drawing of blood from men, which is often done for purposes of decoration; and when a quarrel has taken place and men's blood has been spilt in the presence of women, it is usual for the man whose blood has been shed to perform a ceremony connected with his own or his father or mother's totem. See Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 463.