Read the book: «Taming the Flood: Rivers, Wetlands and the Centuries-Old Battle Against Flooding»

CHAPTER 1
RIVER VERSUS DRAIN
The Conflict within Traditional Flood Management

I never thought for one moment that my life would become bound up with rivers. It all began when a woman threatened to tie herself to a willow tree. I had just started working as a landscape architect for a water authority, and my duties were to involve planting trees around reservoirs and new office buildings. I had never heard of river engineers until one morning a very harassed engineer rang to ask me to persuade the woman in question not to tie herself to the ancient pollard, which he intended to fell. Indeed, he asked me, as the authority’s environmentalist, to suggest ways of calming the local community’s very vocal outrage at what he was intending to do to their river. The engineer explained his problem. All he was attempting to do was to prevent the river from flooding these ungrateful people’s houses. For this, however, many trees would have to be removed, and the river would have to be deepened and straightened. It would cease to be recognizable as the river that the local people enjoyed, but it would become a very efficient drain, so that their sitting-rooms would no longer be ruined periodically, and farmers with land adjacent to the river would be able to grow more and better crops to feed the very people who were complaining. So the case was put: river versus drain.

This book is about that conflict of values, the efforts made to come to terms with that conflict, and its implication for one of the major issues of our time—the reshaping of our farm policy, which, with the single aim of increased food production, has transformed the countryside in what is perhaps the greatest agricultural revolution since the settling of England began.^fn1

Seldom has the conflict over what a river means to different people been more dramatically highlighted than in the case of the river Stour at Flatford Mill. Here John Constable painted The Hay Wain. Reproduced in calendars, on birthday cards, and in coffee-table books, this painting has become almost a ritualized symbol of the reverence that English people have for their countryside. I remember once dealing with a particularly brutal river scheme, and seeing hanging in the engineers’ portacabin, which overlooked the now canalized river, a calendar showing The Hay Wain. The connection was not made. In 1984 the Anglian Water Authority applied for permission to carry out a land-drainage scheme on the Stour between Stratford St Mary and Flatford Mill, with the purpose of converting the riverside pasture to oil-seed rape. Mr John Constable, the painter’s great great grandson, protested in The Times: ‘Believe me, rape is what we’re talking about.’ The water authority responded with its case: ‘We are up against a lot of pressure from landowners to do something about the flooding.’¹

A river is a symbol of changeless change. Overnight, in a flash flood, it will dramatically move its banks, depositing shoals and cutting new channels. In recent decades, the Severn has been steadily undercutting the riverside churchyard at Newnham. The skeletons of the village forefathers are regularly exposed and then claimed by the river, and now the church itself is threatened. The local diocese has appealed to the water authority to do something about it; but something as elemental as the ever-moving Severn is beyond the resources of even the richest and most powerful water authority. At Crowland in Lincolnshire stands a medieval bridge, stranded high and dry in the middle of the town. The three streams which once ran beneath it have long since vanished, but, at the back of the town, the water still finds its way to the sea, as it has from the beginning of time. William Wordsworth described the river Duddon as something that would always be recognized by succeeding generations:

I see what was, and is, and will abide

Still glides the stream and shall for ever glide.²

Nowadays, however, we are capable of transforming rivers so that they become quite unrecognizable. If, while waiting in the rush-hour queue at Sloane Square tube station, you chance to look up, you will see a large iron pipe. It is, or was, the river Westbourne. This is the ultimate in human domination of a river, although many city rivers might just as well be piped. The Rea in Birmingham and the Medlock^fn2 in Manchester hurry down through their straitjackets of steel and concrete, unnoticed by the passing crowds.

WILDLIFE OF RIVERS

The endurance of rivers, which is part of what makes them such a potent symbol in our culture, is also precisely the reason why they matter so much to ecologists and scientists. In this country there is probably no river or wetland which is ‘natural’ in the sense that it has never had human interference; but river systems have two major characteristics which have enabled their wildlife in all its original complexity to survive interference better than most other systems. First, their continuous, linear nature provides plants and animals with an opportunity to move up and down them. In the modern landscape, woods, ponds, and heaths, for example, are increasingly isolated within enormous fields of pasture or arable land; and the other major corridor for wildlife, the hedge system, has, of course, been cheaper and easier for farmers to remove than the river itself. Second, because a river’s nature is one of changeless change, forever on the move, the creatures that live in it have evolved strategies for surviving sudden floods and disruptions and alterations of the river’s course. Broken pieces of many water plants have the ability to root again; others have seeds that float or resist digestion in the stomachs of birds, and so can be transported upstream. River insects develop wings in the last stage of their life cycle, and dragonflies are known to be able to fly many miles. Indeed, some of our dragonflies regularly migrate across the North Sea. In June 1900 the air over Antwerp ‘appeared black’ with swarms of four-spotted chaser dragonflies, as they headed towards England.³ Fish instinctively fight their way upstream against the current, and many water birds and animals have the ability to travel long distances.

Other species are less mobile, and exist there simply because a river has always been there. In 1983 a hairy snail was discovered in the Thames marshes near Kew, where its ancestors had lived for the last 10,000 years. It is believed to be the last living relic of the days when these islands were joined to Europe and the Thames was a tributary of the Rhine, where the same species of snail is still found. Now, within two years of its discovery, the snail’s survival is threatened by a Thames Water Authority scheme.^fn3

Of rather more popular appeal than hairy snails, perhaps, the dragonfly best represents the ancient life of the river bank, that point where land and water meet, where life began, and where waterside plants still provide a slipway up which dragonfly larvae climb to emerge in their full splendour every spring. In the liassic rocks of Worcestershire and Gloucestershire fossil dragonflies have been found which are not very different from those still hawking along the streams that cut their way through those same rocks on their way down to the Severn estuary and the sea.

The ultimate taming of a river. The river Westbourne flows in an iron pipe above the platform at Sloane Square underground station.

Over the millennia, creatures that live in the specialized conditions of rivers have evolved by adapting to these conditions. A babbling upland brook is physically very different from a lazy lowland river, and there are subtle gradations all the way between. These differences are further modified by the local geology, which affects the water chemistry, the local climate, and the particular conditions created by the dominant local plants. Thus a river’s wildlife is adapted to, and expresses, its particular local character and that of its different reaches with an almost infinite variety.

Dragonflies are a good example of this. There are upland dragonflies and lowland dragonflies. The Norfolk hawker (Aeshna isosceles) is confined to the Norfolk Broads, while the brilliant emerald (Somatochlora metallica) is a speciality of Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire. The Beautiful Damsel (Agrion virgo) favours clear, gravel-bottomed streams, while the Banded Damsel (Agrion splendens), distinguished from the former by the blue-black bar on the male’s wing, is abundant on muddy-bottomed, less acid waters. Where they co-exist, the former tends to prefer the gravel, while the latter chooses the clay reaches. The damsels are among the great sights of the midsummer river bank, along which they flutter, enamelled with peacock blue and green; and it is entertaining to ‘read’ the physical conditions of a particular stream from the band on a damsel’s wing.

A single rock in a stream provides at least four habitats. Algae grow on surfaces that are always wet; the dry top supports lichens; mosses thrive on the wetted margins between the two; and many creatures hide in crevices under the rock. On many upland streams a large boulder will often be the chosen perching spot of the dipper.

Further down a river, common reed is a feature of many watersides. Thickets of fawn papery stems, tender green as they unfurl in the spring, have a specialized ecology all of their own. Even quite small stands may support a pair of reed buntings, while a larger reed bed provides a home for the reed warbler. The latter is often a favourite host for the uninvited cuckoo. Look closer into the reeds, and you will find a world within a world. The twin-spotted wainscot moth lays its eggs in the bur reed, but the larvae later transfer to the common reed as they fatten up and need a thicker stem to tunnel into. In the summer dusk the pale hatched moths float out over the riverside. A specialized fly, Lipara lucens, also tunnels into the reed stems, creating noticeable swellings known as cigar galls. Once the fly has flown, the empty gall provides a winter home for two other reed specialists: a bee, Hylaeus pectoralis, and a wasp, Passaloecus corniger, whose eggs will hatch in the following spring.

Few species have adapted so closely to their particular rivers as caddis flies, stoneflies, and mayflies, which, in their turn, have been cunningly imitated for bait by generations of anglers. In the larval stages, caddis flies build themselves cases out of the materials of the river bed. These provide them with camouflage and, depending on the speed of flow, either ballast or a means of transport. The faster the stream, the heavier the material chosen, while those species occupying slow-flowing rivers or ditches construct a case of wood around themselves to help them float to fresh feeding grounds.

The nymphs, or first larval stages of mayflies, are also adapted to very particular conditions. Some nymphs have specially shaped heads and legs, so that, when facing the current, they are pushed against stones into which they fit, and which save them from being washed away – certainly a case of going with the elements! The yellow may nymph is best adapted for rough boulders, while the marsh brown nymph fits against smooth stones, upon which its gill-like plates press down, thereby creating a vacuum. While some species are streamlined for fast flows, others are burrowers and bottom-crawlers. The claret dun nymph is at home in slow, peaty streams. It is peat-coloured, and its gills both camouflage it by breaking up its outline and enable it to breathe in still water. The blue-winged olive nymph lives among weeds such as water crowfoot. It is neatly shaped to lodge in close-packed vegetation, from which it can be in close contact with the fast-flowing oxygenated water it requires.

Reed buntings and common reed.

The culmination of all this unseen evolution on the river bed is one of the great phenomena of the English countryside, once seen, never forgotten. This is the day in the life of the mayfly. Very punctually in mid-May, the nymphs will rise from the bed of the river and hatch through a final nymph stage known to anglers as ‘duns’. Then, when the air is still, the elegant adults, the ‘spinners’, float upwards in their thousands and perform their mating dance. This is the sight that stays with even the casual observer. The gauzy tides of swarming males, waiting for the females, rise and fall as if on invisible yo-yos. Having mated, grey clouds of females glide to the water, lay their eggs, and die. With all the poignancy of a Shakespeare sonnet, it is over in the space of a summer day, until next spring.

When I consider every thing that grows

Holds in perfection but a little moment.⁴

The life of a river has nothing to show more resonant of changeless change than the life cycle of the mayfly, a genus known even in the dry language of science as Ephemera.

Yet the return of the mayflies is no longer as inevitable as the return of May. They are steadily declining in many rivers, and have vanished from others. Pollution and the removal of riverside hedges have played their part; but above all, dredging and drainage have ironed out the varied bed conditions of gravel and silt to which the larvae of these and many other insects were so minutely adapted.

The otter, sliding up a river like a sleek cat and whistling to its mate under the moon, is truly king of the waters, and the presence of otters on a river system sets the final seal of well-being on its wildlife. The otter has captured popular imagination ever since the classics of Henry Williamson and Gavin Maxwell. It achieved tabloid status in April 1985, when it was on the front page of the Daily Mirror’s conservation shock issue; and, as a symbol of wildlife under threat, it is a sure money-maker for such causes as the World Wildlife Fund. The fact that people will give money to save the otter, a nocturnal animal whose presence is detected even by full-time otter survey teams only by its tracks and droppings, is the best answer I know to that mean-spirited and illogical argument: ‘What’s the use of saving it, if I can’t see it?’ It was enough simply to know that otters were out there somewhere. Alas, no longer. In 1977 leading conservationists produced a report showing that the otter had declined with disastrous suddenness.⁵ Whereas otters were present, even common, throughout the country in the 1950s, they are now abundant only in the extreme north-west of Scotland, leaving core populations in Wales and the West Country, and a dwindling interbred group of individuals in East Anglia. Hunting, disturbance, and pesticide residues had all played their part; but the major culprits were river boards and their successors which scoured the banks of undergrowth in which otters lay up during the day, and felled the mighty riverside trees, such as ash and sycamore, in whose buttress roots otters made their holts. Since 1977 otter hunting has been illegal, and the ban on the pesticide Dieldrin is starting to have a beneficial effect. But the many miles of treeless river inhibits recolonization by otters, and even in the 1980s there have been cases of water authority workers felling known otter holts.^fn4

THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF RIVERS

It is not only wildlife that is at stake. Rivers represent a cultural heritage as well. Through aeons of geological time, rivers, in the wake of glaciers, have helped shape the very structure of our landscape. When civilization arrived, rivers shaped human history, and humans, in turn, began to shape the rivers.

From the time that the tribal Belgae and then the Romans invaded England, rivers dictated the positions of many towns and villages. It is believed that the great bluestones of which Stonehenge is constructed were floated up the Wiltshire Avon. Christianity came to England up a river, when St Augustine and his forty monks travelled to Canterbury up the Kentish Stour, ‘singing all the way’. Rivers were also highways of terror. The sleek hull of a Viking boat was specially designed to be shallow enough and narrow enough for use on navigable rivers, along which Norsemen brought fire and the sword. Along the waterways was carried most of the stone required to build our medieval cathedrals. When Whittlesey Mere was drained in the 1850s, a heap of dressed stone was found at the bottom of the lake, evidence of a medieval boating accident. It is thought that the cargo was destined for Crowland Abbey.^fn5

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the harnessing of water power for mills, and river navigation, interlinked with a new system of canals, laid the foundation for the Industrial Revolution. Through all this change, rivers have continued to flow; but, for those who have eyes to see, the imprint of each generation remains, varying and concentrating the character of each stream that flows past our homes and our lives.

A good example of this is the water mill. The Romans introduced water mills to England, and the Domesday Book records as many as 5,624. All but a hundred of these mill sites can still be accounted for. Up and down rivers and brooks, the remains of some of these and many later water mills can be seen. In some cases, magnificent buildings, complete with all their machinery, still stand. Elsewhere there are just clues to former occupancy: foundations, a silted millrace, or the remnants of a weir, as described by Edward Thomas:

Only the idle foam

Of water falling

Changelessly calling,

Where once men had a work-place and a home.⁶

All this human interference with rivers, the building of millraces and millponds and, in some cases, quite major diversions of watercourses, did not destroy the essential character of rivers. On the contrary, it added to it, and not just in terms of the quality and character of the landscape, but also from the point of view of the wildlife. A tumbling weir creates the localized conditions of an upland brook wherever it crosses a silty lowland stream. Here grow the willow moss and liverworts found again in abundance only towards the sources of a brook. In the highly oxygenated water below a weir swim the little fish not known for nothing as the ‘miller’s thumb’: the flattened head of the fish was often compared with the thumb of the miller, worn it was said from testing the flour. Perhaps the loveliest of upland specialists associated with weirs and mill sites is the grey wagtail – grey in name, but not in appearance, with the flash of his canary-coloured chest. The grey wagtail nests in ledges and crevices of rock upstream, and finds a similar home in the crumbling walls and vertical structures of water mills. Edward Thomas may not have known that he was also making an ecological point when he pinned down so precisely the atmosphere and feel of these places:

Attractive colonizers of the mill weirs. Grey wagtail and the delicate leaves of skullcap.

The sun blazed while the thunder yet

Added a boom:

A wagtail flickered bright over

The mill-pond’s gloom.⁷

Some of the wildlife of the water mill may owe its existence to a rather more conscious decision on the part of some long-dead miller. Growing along old millraces or near millponds are some of the stoutest and hoariest of pollard willows, which are the glory of any river bank. This is no accident. The willow was put to many uses by millers. An integral part of mill machinery was a simple spring known as the ‘miller’s willow’. In the most recent mills it was made of steel; but more commonly it was a piece of springy willow wood collected from a convenient pollard. Willow was also used for eel traps, and the fact of a river being carefully directed to drive a water wheel has always made water mills very convenient places to catch eels. The Luttrell Psalter of 1338 illustrates a water mill complete with eel traps which look very much as if they have been made out of pliant willow stems. Many medieval millers paid their rent to the lord of the manor in eels; and when the water mill in the centre of Stafford was pulled down after the Second World War, the laconic miller expressed as his only regret: ‘I shall miss the eels.’

More recently, eel traps have been built into the systems of weirs and sluices of water mills. Yet these structures, too, add variety and local character to rivers. The joints in a timber lock-gate or the eroding mortar of a sluice often provide congenial conditions for gipsywort or skullcap, with its clear blue flowers. Both these delicately proportioned plants have more difficulty competing with other vigorous vegetation on the open river bank than they do in the neat crevices provided for them by mill structures. The structures themselves were often built of local materials. Before the advent of railways, it was cheaper to do this than to import materials from far afield. Later, bricks were commonly imported, but even these, including the splendid ‘blues’ of the industrial Midlands, added their individual stamp to river landscapes. Nevertheless, it is surprising how often local builders simply took advantage of what was at hand. In 1985 a land-drainage scheme was carried out on the river Erewash near Eastwood in Nottinghamshire. This is the river which flows as a constant theme through the novels of D. H. Lawrence. Just opposite the point where the brook that runs past Lawrence’s old home joins the Erewash itself stands a mill sluice. In the normal course of events this would have been ‘tidied up’ – wiped out as part of the scheme and conveniently buried. But in this case the enlightened engineer was concerned to do precisely the opposite, and as the digger pulled back the rubble, an area of wall was exposed, which looked for a moment as if it were made entirely of shiny cream bones. This turned out to be pottery waste, a surviving memorial to a now vanished china factory in the local town. There it now stands, its cracks colonized by ferns and wormwood – nothing especially beautiful in itself, but a piece of history and natural history, with literary associations thrown in.

Builders in the wetlands did more than that, however. They built their homes out of the materials of the river bank itself. Whereas in most parts of England, thatched roofs were made of locally available straw, in the lowlands, especially in East Anglia, the common reed was used – the same plant that provides a home for a whole hierarchy of warblers, moths, and bees. And very good thatch it made. It is still often known as Norfolk reed; and in contrast to ordinary straw thatch, which has a lifetime of thirty years at most, a well-laid thatch of Norfolk reed may last as long as eighty years. In the wettest wetlands of all grows an even tougher thatching material, one of our most ancient natural crops: the giant saw sedge, Cladium mariscus. This, one of the dominant plants of the undrained Fens, can still be seen on the roofs of some of the houses between Ely and Newmarket. In some cases this most durable, but increasingly unobtainable, material is used as a capping ridge to a thatch of Norfolk reed. In other places, where even the Norfolk reed is scarce, the reed is used as a capping ridge to straw thatch. The final flourish in this humanizing of the natural landscape is given by an individual, as the thatcher in Ronald Blythe’s Akenfield explains: ‘We all have our own pattern; it is our signature you might say. A thatcher can look at a roof and tell you who thatched it by the pattern.’⁸

Elsewhere the landscape has been modified by humans less consciously, by providing congenial conditions for the river water crowfoot. The water crowfoots are a particularly lovely group of river plants. To the non-expert they all look pretty similar: crisp emerald weed buoyed up in the stream and then, in July, a snow in summer of glistening white flowers, which spill over the water in a way that seems to spell out the brief abundance of midsummer. The nine or so different forms and species to be found in England are all specialist. The pond water crowfoot has broad-lobed leaves which float on the still surface, in addition to dissected underwater foliage. At the other end of the scale are crowfoots of fast waters, whose only leaves are bunches of slender threads which run with the current – the ‘crow’s feet’. The river water crowfoot, Ranunculus fluitans, grows in gravel, and dies if it becomes too covered up by silt. Studies made on the river Lugg in Herefordshire show that the rubbly remains of fords or bridges which collapsed long ago have created a gravelly river bed which encourages crowfoot. The Lugg is in general a silty river, although it has natural riffles of gravel where the crowfoot also occurs. Elsewhere, however, known historical fords or bridge sites can be picked out every high summer when the crowfoot blooms – literally, living history. The same effects are visible in the river Wye in Hereford where the site of the early ford below the Bishop’s Palace is picked out in white in July when the water crowfoot is in flower. There is even a gap in the centre with no flowers where the material marking the ford was probably removed at a later date to allow passage for the boats, leaving a silty bottom to the river in that place unsuitable for the growth of water crowfoot.⁹

Our predecessors’ efforts to farm and drain the land can also be ‘read’, again in white and green, at a very different but particular moment of the year. If you stand on a hill in winter when there is a thaw, or look across an expanse from a motorway, especially in the Midlands, you can hardly miss the pattern of long parallel bands of snow, which are always the last to go from the hollows of the old ridge and furrow. In summer, too, you can read the ridge and furrow in an even more attractive way, although this is possible only on those few fields which have not been ‘improved’ to an all-over green of fertilized rye-grass. In such meadows there is a specialized flora for the damp furrow bottoms, subtly distinct from the flowers and grasses of the dry ridge crowns. The bulbous buttercup (Ranunculus bulbosus) prefers the tops, while the creeping buttercup (R. repens) favours the hollows. Ridge and furrow were formed any time between the early Middle Ages and the nineteenth century, as a result of ploughing up and down fields in parallel lines. This is generally thought to have been done deliberately, to improve drainage in the days before clay and, more recently, plastic field drains. In fields next to a river, the furrows are noticeably at right angles to the stream, although in some other places, where no obvious drainage benefit was gained, ridge and furrow seem to have been simply a by-product of the normal way of ploughing. If you look carefully, you may see some ridge and furrow which lie in a reverse-S pattern, a result of the logistics facing the medieval ploughman, who had to manœuvre eight oxen up and down a field. The Tudor ploughman had better-bred and better-fed beasts; so he required fewer of them to pull a plough, and was able to drive a straighter furrow.^fn6

A pollard willow beside a water mill (top). ‘The miller’s willow’, a springy piece of timber, still gathered from the convenient pollard, for use as an essential part of the mill machinery. Charlecote, Warwickshire (bottom).

These are the monuments to generations of individual farmers ploughing and draining their fields. When, in the seventeenth century, the first real drainage engineers arrived, equipped with a literally world-changing technology, they too left their monument, in the shape of an entirely new landscape: the Fens. Despite their new-found power, however, they did not succeed in totally obliterating what had been before. Meandering across the geometrical landscape of straight ditches and square fields which the new engineers and their successors created, the winding courses of the original pre-drainage creeks and rivers can be seen especially clearly from the air. As they flowed on their – as it turned out – not so eternal journey from the hinterland of Ely and Cambridge to the Wash, these rivers deposited silt along their beds; and now, although the rivers vanished centuries ago, this silt stands out, a startling pale-fawn colour, as it snakes across the adjacent black peat of the Fens. Thus you can still pick out with ease the route of the ancient Wellestream, along which, in the fourteenth century, came cargoes of cloth from the Low Countries and silks from Italy, not to mention news of the dawning Renaissance, bound for Cambridge and beyond. Even more astonishing is that you can see the Wellestream more easily with every passing year. This is because the adjacent peat, as it is drained and dried out, wastes away by a process of oxidation on exposure to the atmosphere. Hence the old silt river beds, known in the Fens as ‘roddons’, are rising steadily as ridges above the ever-falling peat. They are landscape ghosts; but instead of fading away, they sharpen ever more clearly into focus.

Rivers have always been boundaries, as well as route-ways. They dictate the shape of many land-holdings, parishes, counties, and even parts of the Welsh and Scottish borders, as is well known to the poor river engineer who has to negotiate with different landowners, not to mention councils, on opposing banks as they try to promote their schemes. With boundaries go hedges, and some of those still remaining have been part of the farmed landscape since Saxon times, or possibly even earlier. Boundary hedges tend to be the oldest hedges, and a number of these are found bordering brooks and streams. Techniques developed by botanists and historians have shown that it is possible to assess the age of a hedge by the number of shrub species it contains.¹⁰ So the hedges that most interest the historian are those that most fascinate the botanist. To the layperson they are also arguably the most beautiful, with all the tangled richness and variety of oak, ash, buckthorn, elder, and wild rose. In general, a hedge will contain in a 30-yard length one shrub species for every century of its life. This is not an immutable law, but the correlation has been sufficiently demonstrated to be a valuable guide.

Snow picks out the ancient ridge and furrow, which is overlain by enclosure hedges. Warwickshire.

These are the relationships that print the character on the landscape. It is the same with the various damselflies in their clay and gravel streams, the water mill with its grey willows and grey wagtails, and the crowfoot crowning the ford and the curve in ridge and furrow. This is what the Englishness of England is made of, and it is this sense of place that we are currently in danger of losing, just as we come to understand it more clearly. It is far more important than any particular beetle or bird or ancient monument. The long evolution of the natural system, further evolved by human management, has given brooks and rivers individual characters as distinctive as their names, names which invest the Ordnance Survey map with an idiosyncratic quality ranging from poetry to comedy: the Windrush, the Swift, the Wagtail Brook, the Mad Brook, the Hell Brook, the Piddle, the Wriggle …

Take another look at The Hay Wain. Constable was a miller’s son, and probably knew all there was to know about mills such as Flatford. He was concerned here above all to paint a working landscape, not just a decorative one; and the empty wain is fording the stream to collect more hay from the labourers in the distant field. It was probably there for another reason too. George Sturt, who wrote about his practical experience of running a wheelwright’s shop at the end of the nineteenth century, describes the constant problem of shrinkage of timber wheelstocks in high summer:

Men who used carts knew something about the advantage of a little moisture for tightening wheels. Not for the horse’s sake alone was it that carters would drive through a roadside pond, or choose to ford a stream rather than go over a bridge beside the ford. The wheels were better for the wetting.¹¹

The ghost of a long-vanished river winds across the level geometry of the Fens. The silt bed of the old river now stands out against the adjacent black peat. © Cambridge University Collection of Air Photographs.

Cartwheels soaking in the river in order to tighten them. Constable’s famous hay wain was part of a working landscape, not simply a picturesque one. © National Gallery.

Sturt and others record how wagons for the Sussex clay country were designed with broad wheels, while those for downland chalk had narrow ones. Taking individual orders from customers, the wheelwright built each cart for the particular conditions of a particular farm. This is taking a sense of the particular about as far as you can go: humanity evolving as harmoniously with the landscape as the mayfly nymph evolved in harmony with its stream. No wonder farmers tell us that they are the creators and guardians of the English countryside.

Now, for the first time in the long history of settling our islands, the guardians have become the destroyers. The landscape that generation after generation created is like a classroom blackboard at the end of a day, on which each lesson has been written without entirely erasing the previous one. Medieval ridge and furrow are overlain by a grid of more recent hedgerows. The winding Wellestream can be glimpsed through the level geometry of the Fens. In the space of a generation, we have set about wiping the blackboard clean.

THE IMPACT OF RIVER MANAGEMENT

Rivers and streams have been straightened and evened out as never before. This work has been carried out by water authorities, internal drainage boards, and many councils, in part to reduce flooding of roads and houses, but largely to increase farm yields. In the years between 1971 and 1980, an annual average of 207,217 acres was estimated to have been drained, of which ‘new’ drainage of wetlands comprised around 20,000 acres per year.¹² One straightened stream begins to resemble another. River organisms’ ability to survive the disruption of floods was never evolved to withstand this kind of onslaught. Repeated dredging has removed the weedy margins upon which dragonflies depend. In the last twenty-five years, four dragonfly species have become extinct in England, while many others have shown a marked decline. Reduction of such insect populations will in turn reduce the fish population, which depends on a diversified, rather than a straightened and uniform, channel. With the loss of the fish, we can expect to lose the electric-blue flash of the kingfisher. The dredgings are put in the bottoms of furrows or are used to fill in ponds. With the virtual disappearance of the farm pond, frog populations in some parts of England declined drastically between the 1950s and the 1970s.^fn7

Many streams have been stripped of their ancient boundary trees, and the knock-on effect of the drainage schemes has been to encourage farmers to turn their farms into prairies. Between 1946 and 1963, around 85,000 miles of hedges were grubbed out.¹³ The lowering of water levels to allow ploughing of damp pasture has removed the nesting habitat of many birds that we used to take for granted, such as snipe, lapwing, and redshank. A survey of Oxfordshire in 1982¹⁴ found only 15 breeding pairs of redshank, compared to 112 pairs in a similar survey in 1939.^fn8

Studies have shown that the water vole, ‘Ratty’ of The Wind in the Willows, has become scarce in many areas, due to intensive management of river banks.¹⁵ Indeed, Ratty’s emotional, if not his ecological, headquarters, the river Pang between Reading and Newbury, where Kenneth Grahame wrote his classic, has been subjected to a notoriously insensitive drainage scheme.^fn9

In some counties, such as Staffordshire, a previously common wetland plant such as reed has become a rare sight. The remains of water mills have been consistently removed; the weirs that hold up river levels have been dismantled; and millponds and millraces have been filled with the dredgings. On the Worcestershire Stour, ten mill sites have been removed in as many years. The ancient fords which hold up the water are dredged out, along with their water crowfoot. In the late 1970s, the Anglo-Saxon ‘stretford’ of Stratford-upon-Avon was taken out.

The inexorable desiccation of the Fens, the Somerset Levels, and the Lancashire mosses is exposing remarkable artefacts of early civilization, long preserved in the wet peat. But in the absence of an effective liaison between drainage engineers and archaeologists, there is a danger that such remarkable finds as the Bronze Age settlement built on a timber ‘island’ recently rescued at Flag Fen near Peterborough could be broken up by diggers or left to crumble on exposure to the atmosphere.^{16 fn10}

Major wetlands are obvious victims of drainage. Casualties since the Second World War have included the river Idle washlands in Nottinghamshire and large parts of Romney Marsh, Otmoor, and the Lancashire mosses. Major debates have been held since the late 1970s over the future of wetlands in Sussex, Somerset, Yorkshire, and East Anglia. Wetlands under threat have included a variety of landscapes: swamps of tall reed or reed sweet-grass; marshes of rush and sedge, which sometimes develop into scrub of willow and bog myrtle; fens, whose lush vegetation is nourished by alkaline groundwater, and which range from open pools, often the remains of peat cutting, to grazed beds of meadowsweet and iris, grading in turn to the wet woodlands known as alder ‘carr’. Additionally threatened are mires such as the mosses of the north-west, whose deep peatlands support sphagnum moss and heather, scattered with glades of birch, the favourite haunt of nightjars. Finally, there are flowery hay meadows and damp pastures, intersected by dykes patrolled by dragonflies in summer and all submerged in winter by the silver flood, which draws in dark clouds of wildfowl and companies of wild white swans. The destruction of such places in our time has been startling.

In 1983 the chief scientist of the Nature Conservancy Council, the Government’s watchdog on conservation, produced a definitive report on the destruction of habitat in Great Britain since 1949.¹⁷ Among the casualties wholly or partly attributable to drainage were 97 per cent of herb-rich hay meadows, 50 per cent of lowland fens, and 60 per cent of lowland raised mires, all lost in the space of a generation. In the mid-1980s the Norfolk Broads were losing an average of 1,500 acres per year.^fn11

All this has happened because enormous sums of public money available for drainage schemes since the Second World War have combined with a revolution in technology with which we have not yet fully come to terms. I will always remember standing one early spring day near the river Severn, arguing with a drainage officer who had previously maintained watercourses, which were now due to be reshaped as part of an expensive new scheme. This man had as little sympathy for the environment as a pike might have kind feelings towards a minnow. Yet the point he rightly argued was that, for the previous thirty years, he had personally controlled the maintenance of the ditches and hedges of this parish, so why should he now consider newfangled ideas about nature conservation? I looked at what he had created. In spite of his indifference, it was exquisite: the ditch banks were creamy with cowslips and lilac with cuckoo flower. Chiffchaffs were arriving to nest in the spangled scrub of blackthorn. There was a badger sett under some old pear trees. I asked him how he managed the place. It turned out that he had a small dredger, an even smaller budget, and a very primitive brand of mowing machine. With this equipment he had efficiently kept water flowing through his ditches. I lost the argument that day. Within a week the big machines had moved in, and that corner of his parish could have been one of thousands of others in modern England – any place, anywhere.

The lesson was clear. Of course, the countryside must continue to be a working landscape; but if most people’s definition of a river as something more than just a drain is valid, then that broad definition must be consciously built into the brief of those who wield this mighty technology of the JCB, the Hymac, and the Swamp-dozer. Only then can we guide the evolution of the countryside within legitimately broad terms of reference and continue the age-old process of civilizing the rivers. And why not? The big machines are only powered by the ratepayers’ money, and the woman who threatened to tie herself to a willow tree represents thousands of ratepayers who share her (and Constable’s) convictions about the essential nature of a river.

Over the last half-dozen years there has been a quiet revolution in the water industry as this simple realization has dawned upon engineers, farmers, digger-drivers, and even the legislators in Westminster. Of course, there are still places where the old-style canalizing approach to river management is being pushed through; and the conflict of values that underlies this whole issue raises a number of questions which are not easy to answer. No-one can seriously suggest that we turn back the clock entirely and return to the world of Constable’s hay wain, where there was a good deal of misery and hunger amidst all that beauty. We admire and cherish an environment that we also depend on for food. We may reduce the dredging of rivers, but if we stop it altogether, floods will return to overwhelm us. We are therefore committed to continue managing rivers, as we are to managing every square mile of the English countryside. It is the way we do so which counts.^fn12

THREE STAGES IN THE DESTRUCTION OF A RIVER

Before work began.

The machines move in.

The disastrous results of traditional river engineering.

The fact that rivers are such a symbol of endurance and of changeless change is what makes their management a touchstone for the whole issue of our relationship with the natural world. It is therefore a moving thought that the river managers were among the first people in the modern countryside business to stop and think a little harder about what they were actually doing. To adapt the slogan ‘Put the Great back in Britain’, some of them have begun to put the river back into river management. It remains to be seen whether at this eleventh hour for the English countryside, those other giants, the forestry and the agriculture industries, are also prepared to take seriously a wider frame of reference. If they are, we will at last be able to see the countryside put back into countryside management. Such an achievement depends upon two things for which the English have always had a special genius: a sense of place and a sense of compromise. What river engineers have begun to do is to rediscover their roots, and these, as we shall see, go back a very long way.

CHAPTER 2
THE FEAR OF THE FLOOD
Traditional Attitudes to Wetlands

In the beginning, the waters covered the earth. The first thing you would notice about the landscape if you were to travel back in time was how wet it was. In prehistoric times rivers and streams ran unbridled over their flood plains, and most low ground consisted of marshes, fens, and very wet woodland. Well into modern times the major wetlands of England remained undrained: the Vale of York, the fens around the Humber, the Essex marshes, the Lancashire mosses, Romney Marsh, the Severn lowlands, the Somerset Levels, and, above all, the ‘Great Level’ of the Fens. Surveying these now prosaically productive acres of beet and potato, it is as hard to imagine their undrained state as if one were trying to conjure up some fabulous landscape lost beyond recall. Charles Kingsley, writing of the final destruction of the Fens, was perhaps the first to regret the loss of what must have been one of the finest natural systems in Europe. He describes immense tracts of pale reed and dark-green alder stretching from Cambridge to Peterborough, from King’s Lynn to the foot of the Lincolnshire wolds, where:

high overhead hung, motionless, hawk beyond hawk, buzzard beyond buzzard, kite beyond kite, as far as eye could see. Far off, upon the silver mere, would rise a puff of smoke from a punt, invisible from its flatness and its white paint. Then down the wind came the boom of the great stanchion-gun; and after that sound another sound, louder as it neared; a cry as of all the bells of Cambridge, and all the hounds of Cottesmore; and overhead rushed and whirled the skein of terrified wild-fowl, screaming, piping, clacking, croaking, filling the air with the hoarse rattle of their wings, while clear above all sounded the wild whistle of the curlew, and the trumpet note of the great wild swan.

They are all gone now … Ah, well, at least we shall have wheat and mutton instead, and no more typhus and ague; and, it is to be hoped, no more brandy-drinking and opium-eating; and children will live and not die.¹

Major wetlands present in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

There speaks the nineteenth century: all gone, but in a good cause. It is only our more ambivalent age, engaged in the very last mopping-up of the great wet waste that challenged our ancestors, which has begun to question whether the price of progress has been too high. We can see more clearly now that the ultimate end of such a process – the flood entirely tamed – is both impossible and undesirable. The long, and still unfolding, history of land drainage contains much that is progress in the best sense: the combating of diseases and terrifying floods and the production of food to sustain a growing population. But it is also a saga of human avarice and the abuse of power.

Quite apart from the major wetlands, every valley bottom below a certain contour line must have been soggy and at times impassable. Quite how wet any particular locality once was can often be guessed through detective work involving an enjoyable study of plants, place-names, and local history. At Henley-in-Arden in Warwickshire, two churches face each other across the little river Alne. Their presence is explained in an appeal of 1548 to retain both churches: ‘The town of Henley is severed from the Parish Church with a brook which in winter so riseth that none may pass over it without danger of perishing.’ Nearby, in the tell-tale peat, are stands of meadowsweet and sedge, the last remnants of Henley’s ancient marsh, now happily salvaged as an oasis within a new housing estate.

In other places, canals have provided a damp lifeline for plants surviving from much earlier wetlands. In the 1950s the redoubtable Eva Crackles, a Yorkshire teacher, was gathering grasses at the point where the Leven canal crosses the site of an ancient lake, now long vanished, but clearly just surviving when the canal was cut in 1802. There, just at the point where canal and lake site coincide, she found one of the few recorded colonies of the narrow small reed, tenaciously clinging to the mud. Newport in Shropshire was ‘new’ in the twelfth century when it was granted a charter by Henry I, who required that it supply fish to the royal household from its medieval fish pond. This pond survived just long enough to be incorporated into the Shropshire Union Canal in 1833, complete with an unusual wealth of water plants, which earned the canal basin the status of Site of Special Scientific Interest in 1986. At Gailey in Staffordshire, an unusually rich flora emerged in gravel workings abandoned in the 1960s. These were relics from the fen from which the place took its name, the Anglo-Saxon ‘gagol leah’, the clearing in the gale, or bog myrtle, that aromatic wetland shrub which gives an extra tang to home-made gin.²

Names on the map tell us a great deal about the ancient undrained landscape. The little village of Iwade commands the approaches to the Isle of Sheppey and the coastal marshes of the Swale. Its name means exactly what it says: ‘I wade’. Few place names are more telling on the Ordnance Survey map than the presence on the lowlands of the word ‘moor’. Examples include Morton or Moortown; Sedgemoor; Otmoor; Moorgate, the gate in London’s city wall which opened on to Moorfields. This was the marsh that William Dugdale, in his seventeenth-century classic on drainage, describes as a favourite resort of Londoners for skating.³ The people of the Somerset Levels paid a tithe called ‘moor-penny’; their cattle suffered from a disease called ‘moor-evil’; and in every pond and damp corner you will still see the jerking movements of the moorhen. The Oxford English Dictionary gives as its first meaning for ‘moor’ ‘uncultivated ground covered with heather’. To most of us, reared on Wuthering Heights, that is what a moor means. But to our ancestors, living when the hills were less thoroughly cleared and the lowlands were more universally wet, a moor was something more terrifying: a morass. The word ‘mor’ first occurs in Saxon accounts of King Alfred hiding in his wetland fastness in Somerset, and most evocatively of all in our national epic poem ‘Beowulf’. The hero, Beowulf, does battle with Grendel and Grendel’s mother, two enormous monsters which haunt the swamps – ‘moras’ in Anglo-Saxon – from which they emerge to wreak havoc before returning to a mere in the very heart of the fen: ‘The lake which they inhabit lies not many miles from here, overhung with groves of rime-crusted trees whose thick roots darken the water.’

Moorhen.

HOSTILE WETLANDS

This description, at the very beginning of our literature, sets the tone for accounts of wetlands, which through the ages have had a consistently bad press. When in the eighth century the Saxon saint Guthlac penetrated the heart of the Fens to found Crowland Abbey, he was described by the monk Felix of Crowland as encountering demons in the wilderness, which ‘came with such immoderate noises and immense horror, that it seemed to him that all between heaven and earth resounded with their dreadful cries’. They bound Guthlac ‘in all his limbs … and brought him to the black fen, and threw and sank him in the muddy waters’.⁴

With the passage of time, demons are about the only form of unpleasantness not recorded in accounts of the wetlands. William Lambarde, Elizabeth I’s archivist, described Romney Marsh in 1576 as ‘evil in winter, grievous in summer and never good’.⁵ In 1629 the Fens were vilified thus: ‘The Air nebulous, grosse and full of rotten harres; the water putred and muddy, yea full of loathsome vermine; the earth spuing, unfast and boggie.’⁶ (‘Harres’ were noxious gases.) Samuel Pepys, visiting his relations at Wisbech thirty-five years later, was equally unimpressed as he passed through ‘most sad fennes, all the way observing the sad life which the people of the place – which if they were born there, they do call the Breedlings of the place – do live, sometimes rowing from one spot to another and then wadeing’.⁷ For travellers such places provided a multitude of hazards. At best they involved a detour. At worst there was the danger – horror of horrors! – of falling in. The intrepid traveller Celia Fiennes had a near miss when her horse was almost sucked into a dyke near Ely in 1698; and in the same year she took care to avoid Martin Mere in Lancashire, ‘that as the proverb sayes has parted many a man and his mare indeed’.⁸

The fate awaiting someone pitched from a horse in such a place might be blood-poisoning, ‘being dreadfully venom’d by rolling in slake’, as William Hall put it in his nineteenth-century fen doggerel.⁹ Worse still, one might be swallowed for ever in the morass. Daniel Defoe wrote of Chat Moss, near Manchester, as ‘being too terrible to contemplate for it will bear neither man nor beast’.¹⁰

To outsiders, wetlands appeared hostile fastnesses, associated only with floods and disease.

Getting lost was another likelihood, unless, as at Longdon Marsh in Worcestershire, the traveller was able to pay a guide to show the way across. On the swampy willow scrub of the Wealdmoors in Shropshire, the local rector described in 1673 how ‘the inhabitants commonly hang’d bells about the necks of their cows that they might the more easily find them’.¹¹ Otmoor was notorious as a place in which to get lost, and verses celebrate how the curfew rung on winter nights from Charlton church guided travellers out of the intractable moor. Fog, the one element which no drainer can ever quite banish from the marshes, still rolls out over Otmoor. A farmer’s wife giving evidence at the Otmoor M40 inquiry in 1983 described how she had once become completely lost in one of her own fields while counting sheep. Daniel Defoe describes the Fens shrouded in fog, through which nothing could be seen ‘but now and then the lanthorn or cupola of Ely Minster’.¹² To further terrify lost, wandering travellers, igniting marsh gas created the alarming phenomena, still not fully understood by scientists, known as will-o’-the-wisps, jack-o’-lanterns, or corpse-candles.¹³ Perhaps the gloomiest wetland in literature is the Slough of Despond in John Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress in which the protagonist Christian sinks under the weight of his sins. Bunyan was a tinker’s son from Bedford and he is thought to have been inspired by ‘Soul’s Slough’ near Tempsford where the Rivers Ivel and Ouse often must have bogged down travellers on the Great North Road. The flooded meadows can still be seen from the A1 trunk road in winter but sadly, as yet, there is no Slough of Despond Site of Special Scientific Interest.

‘Infect her beauty,/ You fen-sucked fogs,’ inveighed Shakespeare’s King Lear against his daughter. Our ancestors associated wetlands with disease. They had good reason. As late as 1827, travellers were ‘fearful of entering the fens of Cambridgeshire lest the Marsh Miasma should shorten their lives’.¹⁴ On the Somerset Levels, inundated by heavy floods in 1872 and 1873, a report described how ‘Ague set in early in the spring and is now very prevalent … among the poorer families who are badly fed and clothed.’¹⁵ ‘Ague’ was malaria, meaning literally ‘bad air’, the marshy miasma which, until the discovery of the malarial mosquito in 1880, was believed to be the main cause of the disease. Mosquitoes that carry malaria breed far north into Europe and were responsible for many deaths. Malaria was endemic in the English wetlands. ‘As bad as an Essex Ague’ was a common expression;¹⁶ and in the 1870s the garrison at Tilbury Fort was changed every six months because of the prevalence of malaria. The Thames marshes ensured that the ague was carried into the courts of kings, who were less resistant to it than the hardy people of the fen. James I was declared by his contemporaries to have died of it, and his victim Sir Walter Raleigh, awaiting execution in the Tower, prayed that he would not be seized by a fit of ague on the scaffold, lest his enemies should proclaim that he had met his death shivering with fear.

The terror, if not the actuality, of the disease has survived into our own time. In the early 1970s Strood District Council was spraying the dykes in the North Kent Marshes with DDT as a precaution against malaria. Malaria is caused by parasites transmitted from an infected person to another person in the saliva of a mosquito’s bite. Therefore, if there are no people with malaria from whom it can be transmitted in a given area, the disease dies out, as it did eventually in England. For the same reason, the commonly voiced concern that modern wetland creation schemes may bring back malaria can be discounted in the UK.

As towns grew larger, they began to pollute the adjacent marshes and valley bottoms, which in turn developed ominous reputations for disease. Bubonic plague is not directly associated with water, but the rats which carried it arrived by boat at riverside wharves. The Great Plague of London is said to have broken out in 1665 in a marshy district known as the Seven Dials, and it was especially prevalent along the old river Fleet. In the nineteenth century the stagnant waters of cities were haunted by the shadow of cholera. It is no accident that many slums were built on marshes: Mosside in Manchester, the Bogside in Londonderry, and much of the East End of London, where the suffix ‘ey’ to many of the place-names tells us that they were islands in Saxon times: Hackney, Stepney, and, most notorious of all, Bermondsey, where, in the 1850s, the river Neckinger, ‘the colour of strong green tea’, flowed round Jacob’s Island, which was used by Dickens as a setting for Oliver Twist, and was described by him as ‘the filthiest, the strangest, the most extraordinary of the many localities that are hidden in London’. Social reformers were not slow to describe the horrors of such places. Friedrich Engels singled out the river Aire in Leeds and the Irk in Manchester for special mention: ‘In dry weather, a long string of the most disgusting, blackish-green slime pools are left standing on this bank, from the depth of which bubbles of miasmatic gas constantly arise and give forth a stench unendurable.’¹⁷ A hundred years later George Orwell described the stagnant pools of the Ince flashes at Wigan as ‘covered with ice the colour of raw umber … nothing existed except smoke, shale, ice, mud, ashes and foul water.’¹⁸

Add to this the limitations that wetlands impose on farming – short grazing seasons, foot-rot in sheep, suppression of root growth in the damp soil, and the hazards of high water for cereal crops, not to mention the terror of a flood – and it is enough to make one want to rush out and drain all remaining wetlands on sight. Certainly, it is easy to understand why drainage was regarded as a major manifestation of progress. But there is another side to the story. It is a curious fact that the poor benighted people who were unfortunate enough to live in the rural wetlands did not seem to share the prejudices of their visitors at all. Celia Fiennes, in high disgust at finding ‘froggs and slow-worms and snailes in my roome’ when lodging in Ely, had the honesty to qualify her personal dislike for the place, which ‘must needs be very unhealthy, tho’ the natives say much to the contrary which proceeds from custom and use’.¹⁹

THE HARVESTS OF THE WETLANDS

It really was exasperating to observe how the natives seemed to like their marshes. William Elstobb found the eighteenth-century fen dwellers content with ‘uncomfortable accommodations’;²⁰ and Vancouver wrote of Burwell in 1794: ‘Any attempt in contemplation for the better drainage of this fen is considered hostile to the true interests of these deluded people.’²¹

Back in 1646, one of the few articulate defenders of such deluded people maintained that those who would undertake drainage ‘have always vilified the Fens, and have misinformed many Parliament men, that all the Fens is a mere quagmire … of little or no value: but those which live in the Fens, and are neighbours to it, know the contrary.’ The anonymous author of The Anti-Projector proceeded to list the bounty of the fen. There were horses, cattle, fodder, sheep, osiers, and reed; and ‘Lastly, we have many thousand cottagers, which live on our Fens, which must otherwise go a-begging.’²²

Such people knew how to make the watery wilderness yield up its riches. Pre-eminent among the benefits was summer grazing. The very word ‘Somerset’ (Sumorsaetan) is Anglo-Saxon, possibly meaning ‘summer dwellers’, those who came down to graze the levels in summer-time. It is thought that those who occupied the Malvern hill forts may have herded their cattle down the Worcestershire drove-ways to pasture them on Longdon Marsh in the summers before the Roman conquest. Shortage of grass in high summer was a continual problem in the open-field system of the Middle Ages. No such lack of lush pasture afflicted the Fens, especially in the silt belt, where medieval prosperity is commemorated by mighty churches and confirmed by historians’ research into medieval and sixteenth-century tax returns. It was the flood itself that often ensured the rich grazing. The commons of the Isle of Axholme lay under water from around Martinmas (11 November) until May Day. As the inhabitants were to inform the people who set out to drain these wetlands in the seventeenth century, this flood brought with it ‘a thick fatt water’. After drainage had removed this regular winter flood, the people were left with ‘thin hungry starving water’, which rendered the land incapable of supporting the large grazing herds which it had formerly sustained.²³ Even now, local farmers around Axholme regard the ‘warped land’ which was deliberately flooded with silt as the best land in the region.

The inhabitants of the wetlands depended upon them for their survival. Economic resources of the Fens – pasture, wildfowl, and domestic geese – are here illustrated on the village sign of Cowbit in Lincolnshire.

William Cobbett declared that the marshes of South Holderness in the East Riding, together with the Fens, were the richest land in England.²⁴ What cheeses must such land have produced! A cheese resembling Camembert was the glory of Cottenham in Cambridgeshire, where records for cheese-making go back to as early as 1280; and production ceased only in the mid-nineteenth century with the enclosure of the common fen.²⁵ Domestic geese, herded on the Fens and the marshes, kept the rest of the country supplied with quill-pens. On the wetland commons of western France, geese are still kept, and furnish a nice line in duvets.

In the wettest and wildest parts of the marshes, fishing and fowling replaced more organized farming. The terse Latin of a Cambridgeshire assize role records how, in the fourteenth century, a boy went out on stilts after birds’ eggs and was drowned in the heart of the fen.²⁶ With the passage of time, such perilous subsistence gave way to more profitable wildfowling. Birds were netted and exported to London. A check-list that would make a modern bird-watcher salivate was served up on the Elizabethan menu: ‘the food of heroes, fit for the palates of the great’, as Camden describes pewits, godwits, knot, and dotterel.²⁷ Fish were also exported. Daniel Defoe saw fish transported live from the Fenland to London ‘in great butts fill’d with water in waggons as the carriers draw other goods’. Islip eels from Otmoor supplied the Ship Inn at Greenwich. Eels, speared through their gills on an eel stick, had long been standard rent in the Fens and Somerset Levels. ‘Ely’ itself means the district of eels. The method of catching eels with a glaive or trident lasted just long enough in the Fens to be recorded on an early documentary film.

Many wild plants of the wetlands were also harvested. Until the mid-nineteenth century, basket-makers were actively cutting willow at Beckley on Otmoor, a place which also sent water lilies to Covent Garden. Purple moor grass, which forms the pale-fawn undercarpet of the scattered birch woodlands of such wetlands as the Lancashire mosses and Hatfield Chase, was popular for cattle bedding. From Burwell Fen, sedge was sent out by boat for the purpose of drying malt, and Cambridge imported fen sedge as kindling. Bedmakers in Cambridge colleges were issued with stout gloves to protect their hands from the sharp sedge as they lit the fires in undergraduates’ rooms. Clogs were made from alder, and reed was used for thatch.

Eel and eel glaive.

Oak for building the ships of the British navy has always been famous as a resource essential for our national survival. A commonly grown crop of the wetlands was almost as important. Hemp, from which the word ‘hempenspun’, or ‘homespun’, originates, is a fibre crop still grown in Russia and the developing world. In England it provided sails and cables for the fleet; and for this reason, legislation going back to the reign of Henry VIII required that a small proportion of land be set aside for its production. This is a far cry from the laws which now pertain to this crop, more familiar today under its Latin name of Cannabis sativa. It flourishes best in deep moist ground, and Michael Drayton described south Lincolnshire as ‘hemp-bearing Holland’s Fen’.²⁸ On the Isle of Axholme, where little wool was produced, hemp was the basis for a spinning and weaving industry, which provided a useful sideline for the average peasant, and a basic livelihood for the poor.

Peat was always a major wetland commodity. Rights of turf cutting, known as ‘turbary’, existed in Somerset and the Fens in the Middle Ages. Peat cutting became a major industry in the Lancashire mosses in the nineteenth century. On maps of Wicken Fen and Hatfield Chase, you will find ‘Poor Piece’, which was where the local cottagers could cut peat for themselves, subject to regulations prescribing a limited season for peat cutting and insisting that cottagers may extract as much peat as possible without outside assistance. Unlimited plundering of timber was similarly controlled. In 1337 a certain Robert Gyan was submitted to a brutal penance by the dean of Wells for carrying away ‘a great number of alder’ from Stan Moor in the Somerset Levels.²⁹ Thereafter he was allowed only six boatloads of brushwood a year, to be taken out under view of the bailiff. Such rulings are a key to our understanding of the old wetland economy. Long before our modern preoccupations with sustainability, the people of the wetlands harvested the wealth of their so-called wilderness with a sophisticated understanding of the need not to over-exploit its resources.

Because of the hostile elements facing farmers in the wetlands, mutual co-operation was essential, both in sharing the upkeep of flood-banks and drains and in administering a system of checks and balances to ensure that each person got a fair deal out of the common pasture. If overstocking took place, then everyone was the loser. In 1242 Geoffrey de Langelegh was summoned by the abbot of Glastonbury to explain why he now had ‘one hundred and fifty goats and twenty oxen and cows beyond the number which he and his ancestors were wont always to have, to wit, sixteen oxen only’.³⁰ Annual ‘drifts’ were held, when cattle were rounded up, and excessive numbers were impounded and released only on payment of a fine. By Tudor times the Fen commons were subject to sophisticated management, controlled by the parish order-makers, who in turn appointed field reeves and fen reeves. These kept a close check on the taking in and pasturing of cattle by outsiders through a system of branding and regular drifts. During the reign of Edward VI, a code of fen law was drawn up, which remained fully operative in the Lincolnshire fens until the eighteenth century. Penalties were levied for putting diseased or unbranded cattle on to the fen, leaving animals unburied for more than three days, and allowing dogs to harass cattle on the moor. No reed was to be mown for thatch before it had two years’ growth. No swans’, cranes’, or bitterns’ eggs could be taken from the fen.³¹ In the sixteenth century, Otmoor was similarly controlled by a moor court, upon which the local villages were represented by two ‘moor men’.

The fixing of dates was critical in preventing over-exploitation. As early as 1534, a closed season for wildfowling, between May and August, was instigated in the Cambridgeshire fens. All inhabitants of the manor of Epworth on the Isle of Axholme had the right to set bush nets and catch white fish on Wednesdays and Fridays. Stocking on some fen commons took place no earlier than old May Day, to ensure against overgrazing. Lammas land was pasture open to commoners from Lammas, or Loaf Mass, 1 August. Lammas meadows still exist, as at Twyning near Bredon in Worcestershire and, more famously, North Meadow beside the Thames at Cricklade.

Such co-operative management existed even on some wetlands that were not commons. On the Derwent Ings in Yorkshire, the subdivision of the land into small hay plots and the subsequent pasturing were administered by a Court Leet, which annually appointed ‘Ings Masters’, who managed the pastures at East Cottingwith and Newton. In the Wheldrake Ings account book for 1868–1934, it is specified that the meadows be mown on the dates appointed by the Ings masters, and that, thereafter, a carefully controlled number of cattle, branded with a W, may be pastured until the autumn, when they are taken off on ‘Ings Breaking Day’.

The water, flooding over the pastures in winter and oozing up through the summer marshes, held the key to these balanced systems. The black waters of the fen halted the plough, thereby limiting the expansion of economic growth which a fen parish could sustain. Organized common grazing on wetland pastures blunted incentives to enlarge adjacent farms, and also prevented the selective breeding of livestock. But technologies of drainage, refined with each succeeding century and reaching a climax in our own day, removed the subtle checks and limitations of the old wetland systems. As the water ebbed away, so the spell was broken.

It is a mistake to be too naïve about the old wetland commons. They were open to abuse, and their system of controls did not always work. Overstocking took place on the Somerset Levels in the Middle Ages, aggravated by the rights of some commoners to take in cattle from outside the Levels for a fee. The Wallingfen court in the Vale of York set an upper limit for animals on the common in 1636 which was way above the actual carrying capacity of the land.³² In the eighteenth century, Thomas Stone noted that West Fen in Lincolnshire was ‘perfectly white with sheep’.³³ It was no doubt grossly overstocked. The damp conditions would exacerbate such a situation. Before the Brue valley drainage in 1770, 10,000 sheep rotted in one year in the Somerset parish of Mark.³⁴

Nor were the commons some kind of pastoral socialist Utopia, open to all-comers. By the Middle Ages, Otmoor was already a restricted common, jealously guarded by the inhabitants of its ‘seven towns’. Albert Pell, a fen landlord, wrote in the mid-nineteenth century: ‘The vulgar idea of the general public having rights of any kind on the waste or commonable land was never for a moment admitted.’³⁵

Under Cromwell, the truly radical Diggers demanded that all commons and wastes should be cultivated by the poor in communal ownership. When they began to dig up waste land on St George’s Hill in Surrey, they were driven off by local farmers, who almost certainly included small peasants angered at the usurpation of their common rights.

The agricultural improvements resulting from drainage did open up the possibility of betterment for the small farmers, as well as for the great landowners. In the Middle Ages a degree of drainage, which allowed the conversion of pasture to meadow, provided livestock farmers with that most precious of commodities, winter fodder. In 1606 the lord and his tenants co-operated to reclaim part of the moor at Cossington in the Somerset Levels. In the 1830s the farmers of Burwell fen began to realize that they were missing out on the prosperity achieved through drainage by their neighbours at Swaffham. Protagonists of seventeenth-century fen drainage pointed out that a fat ox was better than a well-grown eel, and a tame sheep more use than a wild duck. Underlying local issues concerning the draining of the marshy commons was the national issue of the need for food. Bad harvests between 1593 and 1597 were the prelude to the great fen drainage projects of the seventeenth century, at a time when England’s growing population was increasingly concentrated in urban or rural industrial centres which were not self-sufficient. The farming achievements of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were also motivated by the need for more food. By 1870, Europe was able to sustain a rapidly rising population, largely from its own resources: the agricultural revolution, including the critical part which drainage had played in it, had worked.