Casting the eye over the site of ancient Delphos212, one cannot imagine what has become of the walls of the numerous buildings, which are mentioned in the history of its former magnificence. With the exception of a few terraces, nothing now appears. We do not even see any swellings or risings in the ground, indicating the graves of the temple. All, therefore, is mystery; and the Greeks may truly say, – "Where stood the walls of our fathers? Scarce their mossy tombs remain!" But
Though here no more Apollo haunts his grot,
And thou, the Muses' seat, art now their grave,
Some gentle spirit still pervades the spot,
Sighs in the gale, keeps silence in the cave,
And glides with glassy foot o'er yon melodious wave.
Delphos is now sunk into a village, – a village of wretchedness, – known by the name of Castri.
Delphos was built in the form of a kind of amphitheatre, and was divided into three parts; one rising, as it were, above the other. It was universally believed by the ancients to be situated in the middle of the earth; in consequence of which it was called the "navel of the world."
It stood under Parnassus. It was not defended by walls, but by precipices, which environed it on all sides. It had temples dedicated to Latona, Diana, and Minerva Providence; also one dedicated to Apollo. This edifice was built, for the most part, of a very beautiful stone; but the frontispiece was of Parian marble, and the vestibule was decorated with paintings. On the walls were moral sentences. In the interior was a statue of the god, and such a multitude of precious things, that it is impossible to describe them. We must refer to Plutarch, Strabo, Pausanias, and other ancient writers; and more particularly to Barthelemy's "Travels of Anacharsis," since he has collected all the principal circumstances in regard to it. Our business is to state the condition to which it is reduced. Before we do this, however, we must admit something of what has been written of this celebrated place.
Delphos was an ancient city of Phocis, in Achaia. It stood upon the declivity, and about the middle of the mountain Parnassus, built upon a small extent of even ground, and surrounded by precipices, which fortified it without the aid of art. Diodorus says, that there was a cavity upon Parnassus, whence an exhalation arose, which made the goats skip about, and intoxicated the brain. A shepherd having approached it, out of a desire to know the causes of so extraordinary an effect, was immediately seized with violent agitations of the body, and pronounced words which indicated prophecy. Others made the same experiment, and it was soon rumoured throughout the neighbouring countries. The cavity was no longer approached without reverence. The exhalation was concluded to have something divine in it. A priestess was appointed for the reception of its inspirations, and a tripod was placed upon a vent, from whence she gave oracles. The city of Delphos rose insensibly round about the cave, where a temple was erected, which at length became very magnificent. The reputation of this oracle very much exceeded that of all others.
The temple being burned about the fifty-eighth Olympiad, the Amphyctions took upon themselves the care of rebuilding it. They agreed with the architect, for three hundred talents. The cities of Greece were to furnish that sum. The Delphians were taxed a fourth part of it, and made gatherings in all parts, even in foreign nations, for that purpose.
Gyges, king of Lydia, and Crœsus, one of his successors, enriched the temple of Delphos with an incredible number of presents. Many other princes, cities, and private persons, by their example, in a kind of emulation of each other, had heaped up in it tripods, vessels, tables, shields, crowns, chariots, and statues of gold and silver of all sizes, equally infinite in number and value. The presents of gold which Crœsus alone made to this temple amounted, according to Herodotus, to upwards of 254 talents (about 35,500l. sterling); and perhaps those of silver to as much. Most of those presents were in being in the time of Herodotus. Diodorus Siculus, adding those of other princes to them, makes the amount 10,000 talents (about 1,300,000l).
It is not less surprising than true213, that one of the most celebrated edifices in the world has been so entirely destroyed, that sufficient traces are scarcely left by which the traveller can form even a conjecture as to its position.
During the Sacred war, the people of Phocis seized from it 10,000 talents to maintain their armies against their powerful opponents. Sylla plundered it; and Nero carried away no less than five hundred statues of brass, partly of the gods, and partly of the most illustrious heroes. It had been plundered no less than eleven times before.
It is not known when this celebrated oracle ceased. Lucian says that answers were given in his time: but most of the Grecian oracles were annihilated when Constantine relinquished the errors of polytheism. Indeed Constantine the Great proved a more fatal enemy to Apollo and Delphos, than either Sylla or Nero: he removed the sacred tripods to adorn the hippodrome of his own city. Afterwards Julian sent Oribesius to restore the temple, but he was admonished by an oracle to represent to the emperor the deplorable condition of the place. "Tell him, the well-built court is fallen to the ground. Phœbus has not a cottage; nor the prophetic laurel; nor the speaking fountain (Cassotis); but even the beautiful water is extinct."
The temple was situated in a very romantic situation; rendered still more striking by the innumerable echoes, which multiplied every sound, and increased the veneration of superstitious visitants. But even its form is unknown; though painters, for the most part, have delineated it as circular, amongst whom may be mentioned Claude Lorrain, and Gaspar Poussin.
The Apollo Belvidere is supposed to be a copy from the statue in this temple.
The Castalian spring, however, still exists, and equally clear as in ancient times. It is ornamented with ivy, and overshadowed by a large fig-tree, the roots of which have penetrated the fissures of the rock. At the front is a majestic plane-tree.
The remains of the town wall are a little to the east of the Castalian spring; but no part of it is left but the interior mass, which consists of an exceedingly hard composition of small stones and mortar.
When Pausanias visited Delphos, there were four temples and a gymnasium in the vicinity of the eastern gate; and several ruins and fragments may now be seen: some fine blocks of marble, some with inscriptions, a marble triglyph, and other Doric remains. There are none, however, of the hippodrome; in which ten chariots are said to have been able to start at the same moment.
The temple has vanished like a dream, leaving not a trace behind; insomuch, that Mr. Dodwell's opinion is, that the site of this far-famed edifice must be sought for under the humble cottages of Castri, as the whole village probably stands within its ancient peribolos. In some places, however, are blocks of considerable magnitude; and some ancient foundations, supposed to be those of the Lesche, which contained the paintings of Polygnotus; and near the Aga's house are several remains of some fluted marble columns, of the Doric order, and of large dimensions. Some inscriptions, too, have been observed. One in marble is in honour of the Emperor Hadrian: "The council of the Amphictyons, under the superintendence of the priest Plutarch, from Delphi, commemorate the Emperor." Another: "The council of Amphictyons and Achaians, in honour of Polycratea, high priestess of the Achaian Council, and daughter of Polycrates and Diogeneia." Another states that "The father and mother of Amarius Nepos, honoured by the Senate of Corinth with rewards, due to him as senator and overseer of the Forum, put their son under the protection of the Pythian Apollo."
The remains of the gymnasium are principally behind the monastery. The foundations were sustained by an immense bulwark of hewn stone. There is also some part of a stadium. The marble posts remain. Its length is 660 feet. "I was surprised," says Mr. Dodwell, "to find few fragments of marble among the ruins of Delphos. The town was small; but it was a concentration of great opulence and splendour. What can have become of the materials which adorned its public edifices? Several curiosities are no doubt buried below the village: though the soil is in general so thin and so rocky, that great masses cannot be concealed beneath the superficies." They have, no doubt, crumbled away. The fate, however, of Delphos has been greatly aggravated of late years; for in consequence of some dispute between the agents of Ali Pacha and the inhabitants of Castri, the Pacha laid the village under contribution to pay him the sum of 15,000 piastres. This they were unable to do; in consequence of which everything was taken from them; and this serves to explain the ruined state of the place. "In its present condition," says Dr. Clarke, "there is not in all Lapland a more wretched village than Castri214."
This city, which Heraclius says was as large as Athens, was founded by one of the most illustrious princes that ever adorned the earth – Dejoces, King of the Medes. Not that we mean to vindicate or approve all that he did; but, "taking him for all in all," history has but few characters that can be placed in competition with him.
It is not our intention to write the history of this celebrated prince anew, his story being almost unanimously allowed: we have only to copy. We shall, therefore, select the account, compiled by Rollin, from the testimony of Herodotus; ours being an abstract.
The Medes were a people divided into tribes. They dwelt almost entirely in villages; but Dejoces, finding with how great an inconvenience such a mode of life was attended, erected the state into a monarchy. The methods he took to accomplish this, exhibited the consummate wisdom with which his mind was endowed. When he formed the design, he laboured to make the good qualities that had been observed in him more conspicuous than ever; and he succeeded so well, that the inhabitants of the district in which he lived, made him their judge. His conduct fully answered the expectation of those who elected him. He brought the association into a regular mode of life; and this being observed by a multitude of other villages, they soon began to make him arbitrator for them, as he had been for the first. "When he found himself thus advanced," says the historian, "he judged it a proper time to set his last engines to work for compassing his point. He, therefore, retired from business, pretending to be over-fatigued with the multitude of people that resorted to him from all quarters; and would not exercise the office of judge any longer, notwithstanding all the importunity of such as wished well to the public tranquillity. When any person addressed themselves to him, he told them, that his own domestic affairs would not allow him to attend to those of other people."
The consequence of this withdrawal was, that the various communities relapsed into a worse state than they had been before; and the evil increased so rapidly, from day to day, that the Medes felt themselves constrained to meet, in order to endeavour to find some remedy for it. This was what Dejoces had foreseen. He sent emissaries, therefore, to the assembly, with instructions in what manner to act. When the turn came for those persons to speak, they declared their opinion, that unless the face of the republic was entirely changed, the whole country would be entirely uninhabitable. "The only means," said they, "left for us is, to elect a king. Having elected a sovereign, with authority to restrain violence, and make laws, every one can prosecute his own affairs in peace and security." This opinion was seconded by the consent of the whole assembly. All that remained then was to find out a proper person. This did not require much time. Dejoces was the man to whom all eyes were instantly turned. He was, therefore, immediately elected king with the consent of all present. "There is," says the author from whom we borrow, "nothing nobler or greater, than to see a private person, eminent for his merit and virtue, and fitted by his excellent talents for the highest employments, and yet, through inclination and modesty, preferring a life of obscurity and retirement; thus to see such a man sincerely refuse the offer made to him of reigning over a whole nation, and at last consent to undergo the toil of government upon no other motive than that of being useful to his fellow citizens. Such a governor was Numa at Rome, and such have been some other governors, whom the people have constrained to accept the supreme power. But," continues he in a strain of great wisdom, "to put on the mask of modesty and virtue, in order to satisfy one's ambition, as Dejoces did; to affect to appear outwardly what a man is not inwardly; to refuse for a time, and then accept with a seeming repugnancy what a man earnestly desires, and what he has been labouring by secret, underhand, practices to obtain; this double dealing has so much meanness in it, that it goes a great way to lessen our opinion of the person, be his talents never so great or extraordinary."
The method by which Dejoces gained his ambition to be king, greatly disenchants us of his merits. But having attained it, he acted in a manner few men have been found to adopt, even when they have arrived at the throne by the most legitimate of methods. He set himself to civilise and polish his subjects; men who, having lived perpetually in villages, almost without laws and without polity, had contracted rude manners and savage dispositions.
Thus animated, he selected a hill, the ascent of which was regular on every side, and having marked out, with his own hands, the circumference of the walls, he laid the foundation of a city, which became the capital of the dominions of which he had been elected sovereign. When he had done this, he constructed walls after the following manner. Their number was seven; all disposed in such a manner, that the outermost did not hinder the parapet of the second from being seen; nor the second that of the third, and so of all the rest. Within the last and smallest inclosure he erected his own palace; and there he kept all his treasures. The first and largest inclosure is supposed to have been of about the size of Athens, when at its greatest height. The palace was at the foot of the citadel, and about seven furlongs in circumference. The wood-work was of cedar or cypress; the beams, the ceilings, the columns of the porticoes, and the peristyles, were plated with either gold or silver; the roofs were covered with silver tiles.
This city the founder called Ecbatana215. The aspect of it was beautiful and magnificent; and, having completed it to his satisfaction, he employed himself in composing laws for the good of the community. In order to do this with greater effect, and with a view to keep up the respect which nearness of view is apt to impair with rude and ignorant persons, he secluded himself almost entirely from the people at large. All was done through the medium of agents and servants. He knew all that was passing. He made a multitude of wise laws. He became literally the true father of his people; for so entirely did he give himself up to the contemplation of their benefit, that though he reigned not less than fifty-three years, he had no reason to complain of any of the neighbouring kingdoms; and so satisfied was he of the good belonging to his own fortune, that he never once engaged in any enterprise against them.
Dejoces was succeeded by his son Phraortes, of whom it is not necessary to say more than that he enlarged the city his father had built. He was succeeded by Cyaxares I., who reigned forty years. He made himself master of all the cities of the kingdom of Assyria, except Babylon and Chaldæa. Astyages was the next king of the Medes, he who is called in scripture Ahasuerus.216 He married his daughter, Mandana, to Cambyses king of Persia; and thereby became grandfather to the great Cyrus, one of the most remarkable princes in all history. He was succeeded by Cyaxares II., called in scripture Darius the Mede; who, under the generalship of Cyrus, having taken Babylon, Cyrus, on the death of his father Cambyses, and his uncle, whom he had made governor of Babylon, united the empires of the Medes and Persians under one and the same authority. Ecbatana, therefore, from that time ceased to be the chief seat of authority217.
Diodorus Siculus relates, that when Semiramis came to Ecbatana, "which," says he, "is situated in a low and even plain," she built a stately palace there, and bestowed more care upon that city than she had done upon any other. For the city wanting water (there being no spring near it), she plentifully supplied it with such as was good, which she brought thither in this manner. There is a mountain called Orontes, twelve furlongs distant from the city, exceedingly high and steep for the space of twenty-five furlongs up to the top. On the other side of this mount there is a large mere, or lake, which empties itself into the river. At the foot of this mount she dug a canal fifteen feet in breadth and forty in depth, through which she conveyed water to the city in great abundance218.
Alexander being in pursuit of Darius, came within three days' march of Ecbatana, where he was met by the son of Ochus, who informed him that Darius had left that city five days before, carrying with him five thousand talents (about one million five hundred thousand pounds), from the Median treasury. When Alexander took possession of the city, he laid up all the treasure he had got from Persis and Susiana. It was in this city that Darius made the following remarkable speech to the principal officers of his army. He had lost Persepolis and Pasagarda: – "Dear companions, among so many thousand men who composed my army, you only have not abandoned me during the whole course of my ill-fortune; and, in a short time, nought but your fidelity and constancy will be able to make me fancy myself a king. Deserters and traitors now govern in my cities. Not that they are thought worthy of the honour bestowed upon them; but rewards are given them only in the view of tempting you, and staggering your perseverance. You still chose to follow my fortune rather than that of the conqueror; for which you certainly have merited a recompense from the gods; and I do not doubt but they will prove beneficent towards you, in case that power is denied me. With such soldiers and officers I would brave, without the least dread, the enemy, how formidable soever he may be. What! would any one have me surrender myself up to the mercy of the conqueror, and expect from him, as a reward of my baseness and meanness of spirit, the government of some province which he may condescend to leave? No! It never shall be in the power of any man, either to take away, or fix upon my head, the diadem I wear. The same power shall put a period to my reign and life. If you have all the same courage and resolution, which I can no longer doubt, I assure myself that you shall retain your liberty, and not be exposed to the pride and insults of the Macedonians. You have in your own hands the means either to revenge or terminate all your evils." Having ended this speech, the whole body replied with shouts, that they were ready to follow him in all fortunes.
Nabarzanes and Bessus soon showed the unfortunate king how little confidence is to be placed in man. They and other traitors seized upon Darius, bound him in chains of gold, placed him in a covered chariot, and set out for Bactriana, with the design of delivering their master up to Alexander. They afterwards murdered him.
Plutarch says of Alexander, that he traversed all the province of Babylon, which immediately made its submission; and that in the district of Ecbatana, he saw a gulf of fire, which streamed continually, as from an inexhaustible source. He admired, also, a flood of naphtha, not far from the gulf, which flowed in such abundance that it formed a lake. The naphtha, in many respects, resembles the bitumen, but is much more inflammable. Before any fire touches it, it catches light from a flame at some distance, and often kindles all the immediate air. The barbarians, to show the king its force, and the subtlety of its nature, scattered some drops of it in the street, which led to his lodging; and standing at one end, they applied their torches to some of the first drops; for it was night. The flame communicated itself swifter than thought, and the street was instantaneously all on fire.
On his arrival, Alexander offered magnificent sacrifices to the deities, in thanksgiving for the success that had crowned his arms. Gymnic games and theatrical representations succeeded, and universal festivities reigned in the Grecian army. But in the midst of these rejoicings, the king had the misfortune to lose the friend he loved the most. He was engaged in presiding at the games, when he was suddenly and hastily sent for; but before he could reach the bed-side of Hephæstion, his friend had expired.
The king gave himself up to sorrow many days. At length, when he had recovered his self-command, he gave orders for a magnificent funeral, the expense of which is said to have amounted to not less than 10,000 talents, that is, about two millions! All the Oriental subjects were charged to put on mourning; and it is even affirmed, that, to gratify Alexander's affection, several of his companions dedicated themselves and arms to the deceased favourite. The folly of Alexander went even farther. He wrote to Cleomenes, his governor in Egypt, a person of an inordinate bad character, commanding him to erect two temples to Hephæstion; one at Alexandria, and another in the island of Pharos: "If I find these temples erected, when I return into Egypt, I will not only forgive all thy past deeds, but likewise all thou mayest hereafter commit!"
Plutarch says: – When he came to Ecbatana, in Media, and had despatched the most urgent affairs, he employed himself in the celebration of games, and other public solemnities; for which purpose 3000 artificers, lately arrived from Greece, were very serviceable to him. But, unfortunately, Hephæstion fell sick of a fever in the midst of this festivity. As a young man and a soldier, he could not bear to be kept to strict diet; and taking the opportunity to dine when his physician Glaucus was gone to the theatre, he ate a roasted fowl, and drank a flagon of wine, made as cold as possible; in consequence of which he grew worse, and died a few days after.
Plutarch and Quintus Curtius relate, that when Darius offered Alexander all the country which lies on the west of the Euphrates, with his daughter Statira in marriage, and a portion of 10,000 talents of gold, Parmenio having been present at this offer, and having been required to state his opinion in regard to it, answered, that if it were he, he would accept it; "so would I," answered Alexander, "were I Parmenio."
Sometime after this, the life of this excellent friend and consummate general, as well as that of his son, was sacrificed to a mean and wanton accusation made against him of treason against his master's person; dying in the height of his prosperity, in the 70th year of his age. At Ecbatana, it was commonly observed in the army to which he belonged, that Parmenio had gained many victories without Alexander, but that Alexander had gained none without Parmenio.
Ecbatana is supposed to have been situated where the modern Hameden now stands; that is, in the province of Irac-Agemi, winding between Bagdad and Ispahan, 240 miles from each. It stands at the foot of a mountain, whence issue streams, that water the country. The adjacent parts are fertile, and productive of corn and rice. The air is healthy, but the winter is said to be intense. Its climate, however, was so fine in ancient times, that the Persian kings preferred it to Ispahan or Susa; hence It acquired the title of the "Royal City."
"Ecbatana," says Rennell, "was unquestionably on, or near, the site of Hameden in Al Jebel. A great number of authorities concur in proving this; although many refer to Tauris, or Tebriz, in Aderbigian; Mr. Gibbon and Sir William Jones among the rest. The authorities are too numerous to be adduced here. We shall only mention that Isidore of Charax places it on the road from Seleucia to Parthia; that Pliny says Susa is equi-distant from Seleucia and Ecbatana; and that Ecbatana itself lies in the road from Nineveh to Rages or Ray." "The situation of Hameden," says Mr. Morier, "so much unlike that of other Persian cities, would of itself be sufficient to establish its claim to a remote origin, considering the propensity of the ancients to build their cities on elevated positions. Ispahan, Schiraz, Teheran, Tabris, Khoi, &c., are all built on plains; but Hameden occupies a great diversity of surface, and, like Rome and Constantinople, can enumerate the hills over which it is spread. Its locality, too, agrees with that of Ecbatana, built on the declivity of the Orontes, according to Polybius219, and is also conformable to Herodotus220; who, in describing the walls, rising into circles one above another, says, 'this mode of building was favoured by the situation of the place.'"
"I had not expected to see Ecbatana," says Sir Robert Ker Porter, "as Alexander found it; neither in the superb ruin, in which Timour had left it; but, almost unconsciously to myself, some indistinct ideas of what it had been floated before me; and when I actually beheld its remains, it was with the appalled shock of seeing a prostrate dead body, where I had anticipated a living man, though drooping to decay. Orontes, indeed, was there, magnificent and hoary-headed; the funeral remnant of the poor corpse beneath." The extensive plain of Hameden stretched below, and the scene there was delightful. Numberless castellated villages, rising amidst groves of the noblest trees. The whole tract appeared as a carpet of luxuriant verdure, studded by hamlets and watered by rivulets. "If the aspect of this part of the country," thought the traveller, "now presents so rich a picture, when its palaces are no more, what must it have been when Astyages held his court here; and Cyrus, in his yearly courses from Persepolis, Susa, and Babylon, stretched his golden sceptre over this delicious plain? Well might such a garden of nature's bounties be the favourite seat of kings, the nursery of the arts, and all the graceful courtesies of life."
The site of the modern town, Sir Robert goes on to observe, like that of the ancient, is on a gradual ascent, terminating near the foot of the eastern side of the mountain. It bears many vestiges of having been strongly fortified. The sides and summits are covered with large remnants of great thickness, and also of towers, the materials of which were bricks, dried in the sun.
When it lost the name of Ecbatana in that of Hameden, it seems to have lost its honours too; for while it preserved the old appellation of the capital, whence the great kings of the Kaianian race had dictated their decrees; and where "Cyrus, the king, had placed, in the house of the rolls of its palace, the record wherein was written his order for the rebuilding of Jerusalem," it seems, with the retention of its name, to have preserved some memory of its consequence, even so far into modern times as three centuries of "the Christian era." "It was then," continues our accomplished traveller, "that Tiridates attempted to transfer its glories to his own capital; and, according to Ebn Haukel, the gradual progress of six hundred years mouldered away the architectural superiority of the ancient city. Towards the end of the fourteenth century, Tamerlane sacked, pillaged, and destroyed its proudest buildings, ruined the inhabitants, and reduced the whole, from being one of the most extensive cities of the East, to hardly a parsang in length and breadth221. In that dismantled and dismembered state, though dwindled to a mere day-built suburb of what it was, it possessed iron gates, till within these fifty years; when Aga Mahomed Khan, not satisfied with the depth of so great a capital's degradation, ordered every remain of past consequence to be destroyed." The result? "His commands were obeyed to a tittle. The mud alleys, which now occupy the site of ancient streets or squares, are narrow, interrupted by large holes or hollows, in the way, and heaps of the fallen crumbled walls of deserted dwellings. A miserable bazaar or two are passed through in traversing the town; and large lonely spots are met with, marked by broken low mounds over older ruins; with here and there a few poplars or willow trees, shadowing the border of a dirty stream, abandoned to the meanest uses; which, probably, flowed pellucid and admired, when these places were gardens, and the grass-grown heap some stately dwelling of Ecbatana."
In one or two spots may be observed square platforms of large stones, many of which are chiselled over with the finest Arabic characters. These, however, are evidently tomb-stones of the inhabitants during the caliphs' rule; the register of yesterday. "As I passed through the wretched hovelled streets, and saw the once lofty city of Astyages, shrunk like a shrivelled gourd, the contemplation of such a spectacle called forth more saddening reflections than any that had awakened in me on any former ground of departed greatness. In some I had seen mouldering pomp, or sublime desolation; in this, every object spoke of neglect, and hopeless poverty. Not majesty in stately ruin, pining to find dissolution on the spot where it was first blasted; but beggary, seated on the place which kings had occupied, squalid with rags, and stupid with misery. It was impossible to look on it and not exclaim, "O Ecbatana, seat of princes! How is the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished!"