The Thirty-Year War Part Two

However, without any commandant and requested to this daring action through nothing else than his ardour and his bravery, he undertook nothing, at his own expense, without the agreement of a higher commander to put any plan into action. He sought, hence, counsel with the Duke of Friedland, whose approbation made up for the lack of an imperial authority and to whom the bohemian commandment, through an express command from the Palace, was instructed in case of extremity. However, this latter hid himself deceitfully in his out of service status and his whole retreat from the political scenes and beat down the resolution of the subalterns through the doubts which he allowed to express as the powerful personality.

To make discouragement general and complete, he abandoned the city, finally, with his whole court, even if he had so little to fear from the takeover of the same city by the enemy; and it was precisely through that gesture that the city was lost, for he judged it as lost through his withdrawal. The whole catholic nobility, the commandment with all the troops, the spiritual authorities, all the imperial employees followed his example; the whole night people were preoccupied with securing his person, his possessions. All the streets up to Vienna were filled with people who were escaping, who did not pull through from their terror before they have reached the Imperial city. Maradas himself, doubting about the rescue of Prague, followed the remaining people and led his small team to Tabor where he would be expecting the outcome of the siege.

Deep stillness prevailed in Prague as the Saxons appeared there on the following morning; no disposition for the defence, not a unique shot came from the walls which would announce the resistance of the inhabitants. Rather more, gathered around them a crowd of curious people who were attracted by curiosity outside the city to observe the hostile army; and the peaceful confidence with which they approached, resembled much more a friendly welcome than a hostile reception. From the unanimous account of this crowd, people experienced that the city was empty of any soldier and the government has flown to Budweiss.

This unexpected, unexplainable lack of resistance aroused even more the distrust of Arnheim as the rapid approach of the help from Silesia was not a secret for him and provide too little the Saxon army with besieging tools, their number was also, by far, too weak in order to bombard such a big city. Bound to take a halt, he doubled his vigilance and he hovered in this fear until the palace attendant of the Duke of Friedland whom he discovered among the crowd confirmed to him this incredible news. “The city is ours without any use of sword “ reported he now, full of astonishment, to his superiors and allowed this news to be immediately announced with a trumpet.

The citizenry of Prague, abandoned shamefully by their defenders, have already for long taken their resolution and it was only about putting freedom and possession in security through a capitulation. As soon as this capitulation was signed by the Saxon general in the name of his army, people opened to him the gate without any resistance and the army held on the 11^th of November 1631 their triumphant entry. Soon followed the Electorate Prince himself, in order to receive the homage of his new guard in person, for only under this name the three cities of Prague have surrendered to him; their tie with the Austrian monarchy should not be damaged through this move.

So exaggeratedly great has been the fear of the Papist before the retaliations of the Saxons, and so pleasantly surprised them the restraint of the Electorate Prince and the good discipline of the troops. Particularly, the field marshal of Arnheim showed openly his devotion to the Duke of Friedland by this occasion. Not happy to have spared all the fields of the same Duke on his martial march, he settled guards, now, in his palace so that nothing would be robbed from it. The Catholics of the city rejoiced themselves over the most perfect freedom of conscience and from all the churches which they have taken from the Protestants, would four only be given back. The Jesuits alone, who blamed the general mood to all the previous oppression, were excluded from this measure of tolerance and had to avoid the Kingdom.

Johann Georg refuted not, even as winner, humility and submission which the imperial name influenced him and what an imperial general such as Tilly and Wallenstein would have deprived him unmistakably in Dresden, he allowed not himself in Prague to the Emperor. Carefully, he differentiated the enemy with whom he staged war from the Imperial head to whom he was owing respect. He dared not to touch the belongings of the last one, while he gave himself without any scruples the canons of the first one as good loot and allowed them to be brought to Dresden. Not in the Imperial Palace but rather in the house in Liechtenstein he took his residence too modest to occupy the room of the person he has deprived of his Kingdom.

Would this march be accounted to us by a great man and a hero, then, he would carry us rightfully into admiration. The character of the Prince, by whom he would find himself, allowed us to doubt whether we should honour in this abstention more the beautiful victory of modesty or be compassionate with the petty disposition of the weak spirit which luck itself never makes daring and which freedom itself never disposes of the usual chains.

The takeover of Prague after which, in a short time, the submission of most of the cities followed, acted a quick and great change in the Kingdom. Many of the Protestant nobility which until now were wandering around in misery, found themselves again in their fatherland and the Count of Thurn, the notorious author of the Bohemian upheaval, lived the honour of showing himself as winner on the former scene of his crime and judgement. Over the same bridge where the speared heads of his partisans were displayed before his eyes to depict the destiny that he himself should be expecting, he held now his triumphant entry and his first occupation was to remove himself from these images of horror.

The expelled recovered immediately the possessions of their goods which current owner have gone fleeing. Unworried about who would be allowed the spent amount of money, they took everything that belonged them, even when they have also been told about the selling price of the same goods and many among them found cause, to glorify the good care of their former proprietor. Fields and cattle have, in the meantime, gone in the second hand perfectly uncared. the rooms were decorated With the most expensive furniture, the caves which they have abandoned empty were richly filled, the stalls populated, the storeroom replenished. However, distrustful against a luck which fell upon them so unexpectedly, they rushed to settle again the insecure possessions and to transform the immaterial blessing into tangible goods.

The presence of the Saxons revived the courage of all the protestant leaning people in the Kingdom and in the countryside, as in the capital people saw whole crowds rushing to the newly opened evangelical churches. Many who have received only fear in obedience to the papacy, turned, now, openly, to the new teachings and many of the newly converted Catholics swore joyfully a constrained acknowledgement, to follow their earlier convictions. All proven tolerance of the new government could not be hindering the breakout of the rightful indignation which this mistreated people allowed the oppressor of its most sacred freedom to feel. Fearfully, it served its reclaimed rights and its hatred against the aufgedrungene religion calmed in many places only the blood of their announcer.

In the meantime, was the help which the Imperial Generals Götz and Tiefenbach lead out of Silesia, arrived in Bohemia where some regiments of the Count Tilly opposed it in Upper Palatinate. To scatter this army before it could increase its military might, Arnheim advanced to it with a part of the army from Prague and attacked its defences in Nimburg on the Elbe. After a heated combat, he rooted out, finally, the enemy, not without great loss, from its fortified camp and forced it through the violence of his fire-power, to take the retreat over the Elbe and to break up the bridge which have brought it over. Yet, he could not hinder that the Imperial troops broke out into many more small combats and their fierceness frightened the Croats themselves up to the gates of Prague

No matter how glowing and much promising have also the Saxons opened the bohemian battlefield, hence, the success justified not at all, in any way, the expectations of Gustav Adolph. Instead of following with unceasing violence the aroused advantages, of breaking through the submitted Bohemia toward the Swedish army and attacking in union with it the middle point of the imperial might, they weakened themselves in an enduring, small war with the enemy whereby the advantage was not always on their side and the time for a greater enterprise would be used fruitlessly. However, Johann Georg’s subsequent behaviour made up for the motives which have held him to serve his advantage over the Emperor and to advance the projects of the King of Sweden through an appropriate efficiency.

The greatest part of Bohemia was now lost for the Emperor and the Saxons on their side were forcing their way towards Austria while the Swedish monarch through Frankia, Swabia and Bavaria paved himself a way to the Imperial hereditary states. A long war has dispersed the forces of the Austrian monarchy, exhausted the countries, and diminished the armies. Gone was the glory of the victory, the confidence on invincibility, the obedience, the good discipline of the troops which created to the Swedish troops such a decisive superiority on the field. Disarmed were the Allies of the Emperor or the danger which was storming on itself has shaken their fidelity. Even Maximilian of Bavaria, the most powerful support of Austria, seemed to surrender to the misleading invitations to neutrality; the doubtful alliance of this Prince with France has filled the Emperor already for long with worries.

The Bishops of Würzburg and Bamberg, the Electorate Prince of Mainz, the Duke of Lothringen were expelled from their countries or hence menaced dangerously, Trier was thinking of putting itself under the French protection. The weapons of Spain were busy with the bravery of the Dutch in the Netherlands while that Gustav Adolph pushed them back away from the river Rhine: Poland concluded yet with this Prince a standstill. The Hungarian borders were menaced by the Prince Ragotzy from Siebenbürgen, a successor of Bethlen Gabor and the heir to his worried spirit, The Sublime Gate itself made doubtful preparations to take advantage of the favourable moment. Most of the protestant imperial authorities, emboldened by the luck of their protector’s weapons have openly and actually took the party against the Emperor.

All the means which the brazenness of a Tilly and Wallenstein has opened through violent extortions in these countries, were, from now on, dried, all these recruitment places, these storerooms, the refuge places were lost for the Emperor and the war could not be disputed any more as before at foreign costs. To complete his problems, was inflaming itself in the country ob der Ens a dangerous tumult; the inappropriate conversion zeal of the government gave weapons to the protestant farmers and fanaticism was waving its torch there while the enemy stormed already at the gates of the Empire.

After such a long fortune, after such a glowing succession of victories, after such splendid conquests, after so many unnecessarily bloodshed, the Austrian Monarch saw himself, for the second time, led on the same abyss in which he menaced to storm into at the arrival of his government. Bavaria chose neutrality, Kursaxony resisted the seduction and France resolved to assault the Spanish military might altogether in the Netherlands, in Italy and Catalonia, hence, stormed the proud construction of Austria’s greatness altogether, the allied crowns participated in their rob and the German stately body saw a totally different transformation.

The whole range of misfortune began with the massacre of Breitenfeld which unfortunate outcome has made visible the already for long decided fall of the Austrian might, which the bluntness of the deceiving glimmer of a great name has hidden. Should people look back at the causes which created so much superiority to the Swedes on the field, hence people will find them mostly in the unlimited power of their commander who united all the forces of his party in a unique point and not enchained to any higher authority in his enterprises, commanded more perfect armies at any favourable moment, all the means to his goal and from no one than himself received the rules.

However, since the dismissal of Wallenstein and the downfall of Tilly, the counterbalance happened on the side of the Emperor and the League, precisely from all of them. It afflicted the generals in their level of consideration with the troops and in dealing with the so necessary freedom, the soldiers in their level of obedience and discipline, the scattered body in its corresponding effectiveness, the authorities in their good will, the commanders in their insight, rapidity of resolution and firmness in the completion of the same resolution. Not their greater might, only the better use which they knew to make from their forces, gave the enemies of the Emperor such a decisive predominance. The League and the Emperor lacked not means, but only they possessed not the spirit to use them with capacity and authority. Would Count Tilly have never lost his glory, hence, the distrust against Bavaria would not have allowed to give the destiny of the monarchy into the hands of a man who never denied his partisanship to the Bavarian house. The most pressing need of Ferdinand was, hence, a military commander which possessed immediately many experience to raise and lead an army and who devoted his services to the Austrian house with blind devotion.

It was the search for such a leader which, from now on, occupied the secret council of the Emperor and the members of the same council were divided among themselves. To oppose a King against another one and to inflame through the presence of their ruler the courage of the troops, Ferdinand would expose himself in the first fire of the affect as the leader of his army; however, it cost less effort to bring about a resolution which only provoked doubt and disproved the original calm thought. Hence, what was forbidden to the Emperor because of his dignity and the burden of his regent’s office, it was allowed by the circumstances to his son, a young man of capacity and courage, on whom the Austrian subjects looked up with joyful hopes.

Already required through his birth to devote himself to the defence of a monarchy, from which crowns he carried already two on his head, Ferdinand the Third, King of Bohemia and Hungary associated with the natural dignity of the successor to the throne, the consideration of the armies and the whole love of the populations whose assistance was indispensable to him for the conduct of the war. The beloved successor to the throne alone might dare to put on the hard pressed subjects new burdens; only his personal presence in the army appeared to allow it to bear the chaotic zeal of the commanders and to lead back the loosened discipline of the troops, through the force of his name, to the previous rigour. Should the young man still be judged as lacking the necessary maturity of judgement, keenness and warring experience which would only be acquired through exercise, hence, could people make up for this lack through a judicious choice of counsellors and assistance, which people covered under his name with the highest authority.

No matter how apparent were the grounds with which a part of the ministers supported this proposition, so great difficulties opposed to it the distrust, maybe also, the zeal of the Emperor and the doubtful state of affairs. How dangerous it was, to entrust the whole destiny of the monarchy to a young man, who himself was so necessary to lead the troops abroad! How could people dare to oppose to the greatest military commander of his century a beginner, whose capacity for this important post was still not proven through any enterprise, whose name was never mentioned in any glorious feat, who was much too weak to guarantee in advance to the discouraged army the victory! What new burdens for the subjects, at the same time, to challenge a costly state which came from a royal military leader and whom tied inseparably to the delusion of the century his presence by the troops! How doubtful, finally, for the Prince himself to open his political course with an office that made him into a plague for his people and into an oppressor for the countries which he should be ruling in the future!

And hence, it was still not over with the search of a military commander for the armies; people must be also find the armies appropriate for the military commanders. Since Wallenstein’s violent removal the Emperor has defended himself more with the help of the League and Bavaria than through his own armies and it was precisely this dependence on ambiguous friends which people sought to avoid by the appointment of their own general. What possibility, however, without the all coercing might of gold and without the enthusing names of a victorious military commander to raise an army from nothing, and an army which could compare itself on discipline, warring spirit and skilfulness with the exercised troops of the Nordic conquerors? In the whole Europe, there was only a unique man who has done such a feat and to this unique person have people have committed a deadly offence.

Now, finally, was the moment approaching where the offended pride of the Duke of Friedland would be given a satisfaction without equal. Destiny has arranged itself for his revenge and an uninterrupted series of misfortune which, since the day of his dismissal, stormed over Austria, extracted the confession from the Emperor himself that with the departure of this military commander he has been severed, so to speak, of his right arm. Every defeat of his troops renewed this wound, every lost place showed to the deceived monarch his weakness and his ingratitude. Fortunately enough, he has lost in the offended general, only a leader of his armies, only a defender of his states – however, he found in him an enemy and the most dangerous of all because he was least defended against the trick of this betrayer.

Removed from the warring scene and condemned into a torturing inactivity, while that his rivals gathered laurels on the field of glory, has the proud Duke foreseen the change of luck with disguised calmness and hid in the glimmering splendour of a theatrical hero the gloomy projects of his ever active spirit. Exhausted by a glowing passion, while still showing a joyful external side of calmness and idleness, brooded he calmly the terrible conception of the desire for vengeance and honour into maturity, and approached himself slowly, however, securely to the goal. Gone were everything in his memory, of what he has become thanks to the Emperor: only what he has done for the Emperor, remained written with glowing characters in his memory.

For his unquenchable thirst for greatness and power was welcome the ingratitude of the Emperor which seemed to ignore his indictment and to dissolve him of any duty to the author of his fortune. Approved and justified appeared to him now his projects of honour-seeking in the cover of a rightful retaliation. In precisely the same measure, with which his external circle of action shrank, extended itself the world of his hopes, and his ecstatic force of conceptualization lost itself in unlimited projects which, in any other mind than his own, can prove only of silliness.

No matter how high a human being may always elevate himself only through his own force, his merit has carried him upwards; anything that remained reachable to the private man and citizen inside his duties, fortune has not refused him. Until the moment of their expression, has his pretences found not any resistance, his ambition experienced not any limits; the assault which pulled him to the floor on the Imperial parliament of Regensburg, showed to him the difference between the unspoilt and exaggerated power and the gap between the subjects and the commander. Expelled from the previous dizziness of his ruler’s greatness through this surprising turn of fate, he compared the might which he possessed with the one through which he was deprived of it, and his ambition remarked the steps which he had still to ascend in order to be master of his own destiny.

Only after that he has experienced the weight of the highest power with painful truth, did he stretched out his hands greedily towards it; the rob which would be exercised against him, made him into a robber. Not motivated by offence, he obediently charted his course around the majesty of the throne, happy with the glory of being its most glowing satellites; only after that people pushed him out of this circle, did he confuse the system to which he belonged and threw himself destructively to its sun.

Gustav Adolph wandered through the Northern Germany with a winning step; a place after the other he conquered; and in Leipzig, the core of the Imperial might fell. The rumour of this defeat arrived soon to the ears of Wallenstein who, in Prague, was declining in the sombreness of his private stand, observed from a calm distance the raging of the warring storm. What filled with worry the heart of all the Catholics announced to him greatness and fortune; only for him was working Gustav Adolph. Hardly has the last one started to put himself under the limelight through his warring feats; that the Duke of Friedland not losing any moment, sought for his friendship and made common cause with this fortunate enemy of Austria. The expelled Count of Thurn who devoted already for long his service to the King of Sweden, undertook to deliver the monarch the wishes of Wallenstein and invite him to a closer alliance with the Duke.

15 000 men wanted Wallenstein from the King in order to conquer Bohemia and Mähren with the help of the same King and with the troops which he himself made diligent to recruit, to assault Vienna and to chase the Emperor, his ruler, down to Italy. The unexpected side of this proposal and the exaggeration of what it promised aroused so much the distrust of Gustav Adolph, hence, was he too good a connoisseur of merit, in order to turn down such an important friend with cold sense. But, after that Wallenstein, emboldened by the favourable reception of this first attempt, renewed his proposal after the massacre of Breitenfeld and pressed for a clear declaration; carried the prudent monarch scruples to risk his fame on the chimerical projects of this bold mind and to entrust such a numerous human resources on the eloquence of a man who announced himself to him as a betrayer.

He took the excuse of the weakness in number of his armies, which on their way to the Empire would suffer through such a strong reduction in number, and would forfeit himself, from exaggerated prudence, maybe, of the occasion to end war most rapidly. Too late, he sought afterwards to renew the broken negotiations, the favourable moment was over and the offended pride of Wallenstein never forgave him this humiliation.

However, this refusal of the King refuted apparently only the break which the characters of these two men made totally unavoidable. Both were born to give orders, not to receive them, they could never more remain together in an enterprise which made necessary more than any other yieldingness and mutual sacrifice. Wallenstein was nothing wherever he was not everything; he must either really not act or do so with the most complete freedom. Equally sincerely, Gustav Adolph hated every form of independence and only a little lacked that he broke from the so advantageous link with the French court because the measures of the same court put a hold onto his autonomous mind. The first one was lost for the party which he might not direct, the second one still much lesser prepared to be a follower. Were the commanding measures of this fellow ally be already so burdening to the Duke of Friedland in their common operations, hence would it have been unbearable to him when it came upon sharing the loot.

The proud monarch could not condescend himself to accept the assistance of a rebellious subject against the Emperor and reward this important service with royal generosity; however he could never so much put his own and all royal majesty out of sight in order to acknowledge the price dared by the excessive sense of honour of the Duke; never to reward a useful betrayal with a crown. From him, however, even when the whole Europe was silent, was to be feared a terrible opposition, as soon as Wallenstein stretched out his hand to the sceptre of Bohemia – and he was in the whole Europe, also the man who could give force to this veto. If he would be made dictator of Germany by the own arm of Wallenstein, he could turn his weapons against this one and hold himself relieved of any duty of gratitude towards a betrayer. Near such an ally had Wallenstein almost not any room for himself; and apparently it was this, not his supposed pretence on the imperial throne on which he referred when he broke out, after the death of the King, into the following words: “It is a chance for me and for him, that he is gone! The German Empire could not need two such commanders.”

The first attempt of taking revenge on the House of Austria has failed; however, the resolution remained firm and only the choice of the means suffered a change. What did not succeed in the King of Sweden, he hoped, with lesser difficulty and more advantage, to reach in the Electorate Prince of Saxony, with whom he was equally certain to direct according to his will, something he was very much in doubt of achieving with Gustav Adolph. In constant connivance with Arnheim, his old friend, he worked, from now on, on an alliance with Saxony through which he hoped to be equally fearsome to the Emperor and the King of Sweden. He could from a project which, if it succeeded, would bring the Swedish monarch within his influence in Germany, would promise the more easier an opening to Johann Georg, would attract through the might of Gustav Adolph even more the zealous mind of this Prince and would dampen his somehow weak inclination to the same might through the higher pretences of the king. It succeeded him, to separate Saxony from the Swedish alliance and in alliance with the same Saxony, to build a third party in the Empire, hence, laying the outcome of the war from his hand and he has satisfied through this unique step, at the same time, his revenge toward the Emperor, avenged his disdained friendship with the Swedish King and on the ruins of both, grounded the foundation of his own greatness.

However, no matter on which way he would follow his goal, hence, he could not bring it into execution without the assistance of an army fully raised by him. This army could not be recruited so secretly without creating suspicion in the Imperial palace and the attempt would be immediately prevented in its inception. This army might not experience its unlawful determination before the right time, in the sense that it was expected with difficulty that it would obey to the call of a betrayer and would serve against the lawful high commander. Wallenstein must be recruiting, hence, under the imperial authority and openly, and be entitled by the Emperor himself to the unlimited prevalence over the troops. How could this however be otherwise happening than when the removed general commandment would be conferred to him anew and the conduct of the war immediately entrusted him?

Yet, neither his pride nor his advantage allowed him to take by himself this post and to ask as a supplicant for the grace of the Emperor for a limited military might which from the fear of the same Emperor stood unlimitedly reachable. In order to make himself master of the situation, in which the commandment would be undertaken from him, had he to wait until it would be offered to him by his ruler – This was the counsel which Arnheim provided to him and this was the goal towards which he strived with deeper politic and restlessness.

Convinced that only the utmost necessity could win the resolution of the Emperor and the opposition of Bavaria and Spain, both his most zealous opponents, can make him powerless, he proved himself, from now on, busy advancing the steps of the enemy and increasing the difficulties of his ruler. Very probably, this happened at his invitation and counsel that the Saxons, already on the way to Lusatia and Silesia, turned towards Bohemia and invaded this undefended kingdom with their might; their rapid conquests in the same kingdom were not lesser the result of his work. Through the discouragement which he feigned, he smothered any thought of resistance which people might have and delivered the capital through his hurried withdrawal to the winner.

In a meeting with the Saxon General in Kaunitz which a peace negotiation gave him the pretext to, would apparently the conspiracy be sealed and the conquest of Bohemia was the first fruit of this encounter. While he, in accordance with the capacity contributed to that end; would cumulate the unlucky cases in Austria and would be supported most emphatically by the prompt moves of the Swedes on the river Rhine, he allowed his voluntary and established partisans in Vienna to express the most violent complaints over the public misfortune and to cite the dismissal of the former military commander as the unique ground for the suffered losses. “This would not have happened, if Wallenstein were remaining at the command!” said now thousand voices and even in the secret council of the Emperor this opinion found ardent defenders.