The Thirty-Year War Part One

This religious peace, hence, which should be dying down the flame of the civil war for always, was fundamentally only a temporary announcement, a work of necessity and of force, not dictated by the justice of law; not the fruit of rightful ideas about religion and the freedom of religion. A religious peace treaty of this last kind, the Catholics could not be agreeing, and if people were honest; to such a peace the Evangelicals did not agree to yet. Much to the contrary, they showed an unlimited approval towards the Catholics; but oppressed, wherever they were having the power, the Calvinists who, indeed, deserved equally little tolerance taken in its best meaning, as they were equally far from exercising it themselves.

To a religious peace of this nature were the conditions of these times still not ripe, and the minds were still too agitated. How could people demand from a party what it was itself incapable of doing? What each of the religious party saved or won in the Peace of Augsburg, thanked they to the fortuitous power relationship in which both stood toward one another in the grounding of the peace. What would be gained through violence, must be affirmed through violence; this power relationship must be enduring, hence, for the future or the peace would lose its force. With the sword in the hand would the frontiers between both churches be drawn; with the sword must they be watched – or may the party which will first disarm experience it at its own cost! A dubious, fearful perspective for Germany’s peace and security which came out already from the peace treaty itself!

In the Empire followed, now, a momentary calm, and a fragile band of concord appeared to link together the separated members again into an Empire; that the feeling for the common prosperity came also back for a time. However, the separation has harmed the most inner essence of the Empire and the impulse to produce again its original harmony, was over. So precisely the peace seemed to have determined the border rights of both parties, hence, to unequal interpretations remained it, however, subject to. In the middle of their most heated battle, it had imposed a standstill to the fighting parties, it has prevented the spread of the fire, but not extinguished it, and unsatisfied pretences remained within both parties. The Catholics believed to have lost too much, the Evangelicals to have achieved too little; both used the peace treaty according to their goals which they still not dared to break.

The same powerful motive to encompass the religious teachings of Luther which so many protestant Princes were so inclined to make their own, and to take possession of the spiritual foundations, were after the conclusion of the peace, not lesser effective than previously and whatever they still did not hold in their hands from the direct founders, must be soon going to them. The whole lower part of Germany was in a short period of time made worldly, and if it was otherwise with the upper part of the country, hence, it was most vehemently opposed by the Catholics who, in this part of the country, had the preponderance. Every party pressed or oppressed; wherever it was the more powerful, the partisans of the other party; the spiritual princes particularly as the members of the Empire who had the least weapons, would be unceasingly made angry through the increasing avidity of their catholic neighbours.

He who was too powerless to use violence against violence, fled under the wings of Justice and the spoliation accusations against the protestant states accumulated in the Imperial court which was willing enough, to sentence the accused party, however, it was too little supported in order to make them binding. The peace which the states of the Empire has put in place the perfect freedom of religion, had hence somehow also cared for the subject, in the sense that it accorded him the right to leave without being attacked the country in which his religion was oppressed.

However, before the violent acts with which the landlord pressed the hated subject, before the nameless torment through which he can make difficult the departure to the leaving subject, before the artificially placed compels in which malice together with force, can put the minds into dismay, could not be protecting the inactive letters of this peace treaty. The catholic subject complained loudly against the protestant rulers about the non respect of the freedom of religion – the evangelic subject even louder about the pressures which was imposed upon him by his catholic authority. The embitterment and bellicosity of the theologians poisoned each incident which in itself was insignificant, and put the minds into flame; fortunately enough, this theological rage was effected on the common religious enemy itself, without sprinkling its poison against its own fellow religion followers.

The unanimity of the Protestants among themselves would, hence, finally, succeeded to keep both antagonist parties into equal turmoil and through that to prolong peace; however, in order to make the confusion total, this concord disappeared soon. The teachings which Zwingli in Zurich and Calvin in Geneva have spread, started soon, also, in Germany to acquire solid grounds and to divide the Protestants among themselves, so much that they recognized among themselves more differences than the common hatred for Papacy. The Protestants in this period were not any more the ones who fifty years previously have transferred their confession in Augsburg and the cause of this change is – precisely in this confession of Augsburg to be sought.

This confession set a positive limit to the protestant faith before the awakened inquisitive spirit let it fall and the Protestants mocked unknowingly a part of their gain which to them secured the conversion from the Papacy. Similar complaints against the Roman hierarchy and against the abuses in this church, a similar disapproval of the catholic teaching concepts would have been enough for the Protestant Church to renounce the duty of unification; however, they sought this unification in a new positive belief system, put in this one the distinctive sign, the advantages, the essence of their church and related to this the contract which they concluded with the Catholics.

Only as partisans of a confession they went into the religious freedom treaty; the followers of the same confession alone had part in the good deed of this freedom. No matter how, hence, they altogether wished success, hence, the situation was equally bad among the followers of the same confession. To the inquisitive spirit was set an additional limit, if the prescriptions of the confession should be meeting a blind obedience; the point of unification however was lost, when people are divided about the established formulas. Unfortunately, both cases happened and the bad consequences of both were there. A party stood firmly by the first confession, and if the Calvinists were removing themselves away from it, hence they only did so, in order to include themselves, in a similar manner, into a new concept of teaching.

The Protestants could not give to their common enemy any more apparent pretext than this disunion among themselves, not a very rejoicing image than the embitterment with which they reproached each other reciprocally. Who could be blaming, now, the Catholics if they found ridicule this boldness, with which the improver of faith have endeavoured themselves to do, to announce the unique true religious system? When they as Protestants turned their own weapons against other Protestants?

When they stood firmly, in this contradiction of religious opinions, to the authority of their faith, for which hence, partly, spoke an honourable age and an even more honourable majority of voices? However, the Protestants threw themselves in this separation, in an even more serious manner, into this turmoil. On the followers of the same religion alone was the religious peace put, and the Catholics pressed, now, for a declaration, whether this peace treaty should be recognized by their fellows or not. The Evangelists could not be including the proponents of the Reform in their alliance, without burdening their conscience; they could not exclude them from it, without transforming a useful friend into a dangerous enemy.

Hence, this regrettable separation gave way to the machinations of the Jesuits, to ingrain mistrust between both parties and to destroy the concord of their rules. Through the double fear of the Catholics and of their own united protestant adversaries, the Protestants failed to take advantage of a moment which will never occur again: to secure for their church an all throughout, equal right with the Roman church. And all these embarrassments would have been spared to them, the conversion of the Reformed were for the common cause really harmless, if people have sought the point of unification alone in the distancing away from the Papacy, not in the confessions of Augsburg, not in the works of the concord.

No matter how much, however, people were divided into in all these other issues, hence, people were unanimous that a security which was only owed to the balance of power, could only be maintained through this balance of power. The progressing Reformation of one party, the striving counter efforts of the other party entertained the vigilance on both sides, and the content of the religious peace was the solution to an eternal dispute. Every step which the other party did, must be aiming at hurting this peace; every step which someone allowed himself, happened for the preservation of this peace.

Not all the moves of the Catholics had a hostile intention, as their opponents will blame; many of the moves that they did was based upon self defence. The Protestants have shown in an ambivalent manner what the Catholics are capable, if they should have misfortune to be the submissive party. The covetousness of the Protestants for the spiritual possessions allowed them to expect in return not any good treatments, their hatred not any generosity, not any tolerance.

However, to the Protestants it was also forgiven if they showed little confidence to the honesty of the Papists. Through the unfaithful and barbaric way of handling which people in Spain, France and the Netherlands allowed themselves against their religious fellows, through the shameful deceit of the catholic Princes to be relieved from the most sacred oaths to the Pope, through the horrible principle, that against heretics not any faithfulness and not any belief should be considered, have the Catholic Church lost any respect to the eyes of the honest people. Not any assurance, not still any fearsome oath from the mouth of a Papist could calm the Protestants. How could there be a religious peace if the Jesuits have depicted it all throughout Germany only as an interim, as a temporary convenience which was condemned solemnly by Rome itself!

The general assembly of the church of which this peace treaty was aiming at, was in the meantime, in the city of Trent, taking place; however, as people have not expected otherwise, without uniting the disputing religions, without also only to have done a step to this unification, without being also only asked to. Solemnly were these, from now on, condemned by the church, for whose representative the Council is holding itself for. Could a profane contract, yet obtained by the weapons to that end, give them a sufficient guarantee against the ban of the church, a contract which relied on a condition which the conclusion of council itself seemed to abolish? In an appearance of right lacked it, hence, not any more, if the Catholics felt themselves otherwise powerful enough to betray the religious peace, from now on, nothing more protected the Protestants than the respect inspired by their might.

Many more things were adding to increase the mistrust. Spain, upon which might the Catholic Germany was relying itself, was in those days embattled with the Netherlands in a violent war which has pulled the heart of the spanish might into the borders of Germany. How quick stood these troops in the Empire, if a decisive setback made it necessary here! Germany was, then, a war council for almost all the european powers. The religious war has amassed soldiers there, soldiers who put the prospect of any peace away. To so many Princes who were dependent on each others, it was easy to lend afterwards the armies which they gathered together to foreign power either based on a perspective of victory or upon a spirit of partisanship. With german troops, Philip the Second fought against the Netherlands and with german troops they defended themselves. Every of such military recruitment in Germany always frightened one of the two religious parties for it could be aiming at their submission. A rotating envoy; an extraordinary legate of the Pope, a reunion of Princes, any unusual event must be corrupting one or the other part. Hence, Germany stood for half a century; the hand on the sword, worried and ready to fight.

Ferdinand the First, King of Hungary, and his excellent son, Maximilian the Second; held the reins of the Empire in those delicate times. With a heart full of sincerity, with a really heroic patience has Ferdinand negotiated the religious peace in Augsburg and wasted a vain effort at the ungrateful attempt to reunite both churches at the Council of Trent. Abandoned by his nephew, the Spaniard Philip, at the same time menaced by the victorious armies of the Turks in Siebenbürgen and Hungary; how could this Emperor be thinking of breaking the religious freedom and to destroy his own arduous work? The great expenses of the ever renewing itself Turkish War could not be contributed by the sparse contributions of his exhausted hereditary countries; it needed, hence, the contribution of the Empire, and the religious peace alone held the divided Empire still together into a body.

The economic need made to him the Protestants not lesser necessary than the Catholics and put him, hence, in a position to deal with both parts with equal justice which in such very opposing demands, was a truly mammoth work. Many things also lacked in order to make a success of the things he wished: his hostility against the Protestants have only served to revive to his kindred the war which was spared to his dying eyes. Not more fortunate was his son Maximilian, who maybe only hindered the constraint of the circumstances, who maybe only lacked a longer life in order to elevate the new religion on the Imperial Throne. To the father has necessity taught restraint towards the Protestants; necessity and accord dictated they to his son. The grandson claimed more dearly that he neither heard the accord nor obeyed necessity.

Maximilian left behind six sons; however, only the oldest of them, Archduke Rudolph inherited his states and acceded the imperial throne; the remaining brothers would be accommodated with lesser appendages. A few neighbouring countries shared a common borderline which Charles of Steiermark, his uncle, took way from the hereditary countries; hence, these few countries would already be united with the remaining inheritors under Ferdinand the Second, his son. These countries, hence, excepted, united, from now on, the whole considerable power of the house of Austria in a unique hand, however, unfortunately, into a weaker one.

Rudolf the Second was not deprived of any virtue which must have attracted to him the love of the human beings, when the fate of a private man would have been deprived to him. His character was mild, he loved peace and sciences, particularly astronomy, natural sciences, chemistry and the study of Antiquity; resulted for him into a passionate inclination which in a time where the delicate situation of matters demanded the most strenuous attention and his exhausted finances made necessary the highest parsimony, retreated from governing matters and was attracted by a highly damaging prodigality. His taste for the astronomical sciences degenerated into astrological dreams to which his melancholic and fearful mind indulges itself so easily. This passion and a youth spent in Spain opened his ear to the terrible advice of the Jesuits and the inspirations of the Spanish Palace which ruled him, finally, unlimitedly.

Attracted by amateurs who were so little worthy of his great position, and afraid of ridiculous divinations, he completely disappeared, according to the spanish customs, from his subjects in order to hide himself behind his gems, antiques, in his laboratory, in his princely stables, while the most dangerous conflict dissolved all the bounds of the german body state and the flame of outrage started already to pound on his throne. The access to him was denied to anyone, without any exception, unattended remained the most pressing state affairs, the perspective of the rich spanish inheritance disappeared because he remained irresolute about marrying the Infant Isabella, the most terrible anarchy was menacing the Empire because he, even without any inheritors himself, was not in a position to be elected Roman King.

The austrian state authorities ceased to obey him, Hungary and Siebenbürgen removed from him their His Highness title and Bohemia did not take long to follow these examples. The succession of the feared Charles the Fifth run the danger to lose a part of its possessions to the Turks and another to the Protestants, and under a fearsome alliance of Princes which a great monarch in Europe concentrated against it, to succumb without any hope of rescue. In the inner land of Germany happened, what has happened all the times when a throne was without an Emperor or when an Emperor lacked the stature of his position. Offended and deserted by the dignities of the Empire, the authorities helped themselves and alliances must replace for them the lacking authority of the Emperor.

Germany divided itself into two unions which each took the arms against the other; Rudolf, a disdained opponent of the one and a powerless protector for the other, stays idly and superfluously between both, equally incapable to disperse the first one and to rule over the second. What should, hence, the German Empire be expecting from a Prince who was not once capable to affirm his own inheritors against an inner enemy? To stop the complete ruin of the Austrian line, his own house went against him, and a powerful faction threw itself into the arms of his brother. Chased from all his inherited states, he has nothing else to lose than the imperial throne, and even an opportune death flees him still to save him from this last shame.

It was Germany’s horrible genius which gave it directly as Emperor a Rudolf in this delicate time where only a flexible intelligence and a powerful army could have saved the peace of the Empire. In a calmer time, the german state would have helped itself and in a mystical darkness would Rudolf have hidden his incapacity, as so many other persons of his rank. The pressing need of virtues which lacked him, put his incapacity under the light. Germany’s situation demanded an Emperor who could give a weight through his own resources, to its decisions, and the inherited states of Rudolf, no matter how considerable they may have been, found themselves into a situation which put the regents into the utmost embarrassment.

The austrian Princes were, in truth, catholic Princes and still, for that reason, supported the Papacy; however it lacked many things for their countries to be catholic countries. The new religious opinions have also penetrated in these regions, and favoured by Ferdinand‘s embarrassment and the possessions of Maximilian, they have enlarged with rapid fortune into the same regions. The austrian countries showed in minor situations the character that Germany had in greatness. The greater part of the lord and knightly authorities was evangelical and in the cities the Protestants have taken, by far, the overweight. After it was favoured to bring some (of them) from its own means into the region; hence would in an unnoticeable manner, a regional position after the other, a college after the other, be taken by Protestants and supplanted the Catholics there.

Against the numerous lordly and knightly authorities and the representatives of the cities was the voice of few prelates too weak, which the ill-bred mockery and the vexing despise of the remaining persons still completely intimidated by the state parliament. Hence, in an unnoticed manner, was the whole austrian parliament protestant and the Reformation accomplished, from now on, the most rapid steps for a public existence. Upon the state authorities was the regent dependent because it was them who could be collecting and granting him the taxes. They used the need of money into which Ferdinand and his sons found themselves, to extort one after the other from these Princes a religious freedom.

The lordly and knightly authorities were allowed, finally, by Maximilian the free exercise of their religion, hence, only on their own territories and palaces. The immodest zealous enthusiasm of the evangelical preachers crossed over this permission with their unwise goal. Against the expressed interdiction many of these preachers allowed themselves to be active in the cities and were even heard publicly in Vienna, and people rushed massively to these new gospels which best components were made up of ironic and scolding discourses. Hence, an enduring supply would be given to fanaticism and the hatred between the two closely related churches, would be poisoned by the impulse of their impure zeal.

Among the hereditary states of the House of Austria was Hungary, after Siebenbürgen, the most insecure and the most difficult possession to affirm. The impossibility to affirm both these countries against the close and superior power of the Turks, have already allowed Ferdinand the little glorious step of conceding to the Sublime Gate, through a yearly tribute, the highest dignity over Siebenbürgen – a damaging acknowledgement of the powerlessness and a still more dangerous enticement for the worried nobleman when he believed to have cause to complain about his lord. Hungary has not submitted itself immediately to the House of Austria. It affirmed the freedom of choice of its crown and demanded, despite all that, all the valid rights which are inseparable from this freedom of choice.

The close neighbourhood of the Turkish Empire and the ease with which it can change its rulers without impunity, strengthened the magnates still more in this defiance; unhappy with the austrian government they threw themselves into the arms of the Ottomans; unsatisfied with these, they returned under german sovereignty. The frequent and rash passage from one dominance to the other have left their mark on their manner of thinking; uncertain about how their country should be choosing between the german and the ottoman sovereignty, their mind vacillated also between revolt and submission.

The more unfortunate these two countries felt, to be degraded into provinces of a foreign monarchy; the more relentless were their effort to obey a ruler from their midst; and hence it would not be difficult to an enterprising nobleman to receive their homage; the next Turkish Bassa obtained complete cooperation from a country rebelling against the sceptre and throne of Austria; in the same way, voluntarily, people confirmed to another Turk the possession of a provinces in Austria which this latter has taken away from the Sublime Gate, hence happy to have only saved a shadow of their sovereignty by that act and through that to have secured a rampart against the Turks. Many more magnates, including Bathori, Boschkai, Ragoczy, Bethlen, rose in this manner, one after the other, in Siebenbürgen and Hungary as vassal Kings who possessed not any other statesmanship than this one: to coalesce with the enemy in order to be even more impressing to their ruler.

Ferdinand, Maximilian and Rudolf, all these three rulers of Siebenbürgen and Hungary, left their mark in their other remaining countries, in order to affirm these two against the excesses of the Turks and against the internal rebellions. Atrocious wars were conducted on and outside these borders with short ceasefires which were not much better. The country was devastated totally and deeply and the mistreated subject held equally great complaints about his enemies as his protector.

Reformation has also penetrated in these countries where it made noticeable steps under the protection of the authorities favourable to the religious freedom, under the cover of all the tumults. However, people have embraced these new opinions imprudently, and the political spirit of faction would become more dangerous through religious fervour. The nobleman from Siebenbürgen and Hungary rose, led by a bold rebel named Boschkai, the flag of revolt. The agitators in Hungary were, conceptually, to make common cause with the raging Protestants in Austria, Mähren and Bohemia and to lead all these countries into a horrible rebellion. Therefore, the fall of Papacy in these countries were unavoidable.

Already for a long time have the Archduke of Austria, the brother of the Emperor, watched over the corruption in their House with calm indignation, this last incident determined their resolution. Archduke Mathias, the second son of Maximilian, governor in Hungary and the presumed inheritor of Rudolf came forward to support the sinking House of the Hapsburg. In his youth and pressed by a false desire for glory, has this Prince, against the interest of his House, lent an ear to the invitations of some Dutch Rebels who called him in their fatherland to defend the freedoms of the nation against his own relatives, Philip the Second. Matthias, who in the voice of individual faction believed to have perceived the voice of the whole Dutch people, appeared upon the call to the Netherlands. However, the success of this move corresponded little to the wishes of the people in Brabant as little to his own expectations and without glory, he pulled out of his unwise enterprise. The more honourable appeared, hence, his second appearance in the political world.

After his most repeated demands to the Emperor remained without any answer, he summoned the Archdukes, his brothers and nephews to Pressburg and asked advice from them about the growing danger menacing their House. Unanimously did his brothers transfer to him, as the oldest among them, the defence of their inheritance which an ill-advised brother neglected. All their power and rights they did put into the hands of this most senior person and entrusted him with sovereign full power to be used for the common best according to his discernment. Hence, soon Mathias opened discussions with the Sublime gate and with the Hungarian rebels and his skilfulness allowed him to save, through a peace treaty with the Turks and through a contract with the rebels in Austria, the pretence on the lost provinces. However, Rudolf, equally jealous of his territorial power as negligent to affirm them; hindered the confirmation of this peace which he considered as a punishable attack to his sovereignty. He accused the Archduke of a plot with the enemy and of treacherous intentions on the Hungarian Crown.

The activity of Mathias has been nothing less but free of selfish plans; however the conduct of the Emperor precipitated the execution of these plans. Assured of the inclination of the Hungarians, to whom he has recently offered Peace, assured of the devotion of nobility through the gratitude he has shown them, through his fellow negotiators and assured in Austria itself of a numerous partisans, dared he now, to come forward louder with his intentions and with weapons in the hands, to claim his rights with the Emperor. The Protestants in Austria and Mähren, already for long ready for insurrection and now, convinced by the Archduke through the promised religious freedom, took loudly and publicly his party and their, already for long, menaced relationship with the rebellious Hungarians came really into stand. A fearsome oath was taken, at once, against the Emperor. He resolved himself to improve the committed mistake too late; in vain did he attempt to dissolve this corrupting coalition. Already has all the parties taking the weapons; Hungary, Austria and Mähren have paid homage to Mathias who was already on the way to Bohemia to seek there in his town the Emperor and to tear into pieces the nerves of his power.

The kingdom of Bohemia was not for Austria a much calmer possession than Hungary, only with the difference that, in Hungary, it was more the political causes which entertained the discord while in Bohemia it was more the religious conflicts. In Bohemia, a century before Luther the first fire of religious war has already broken, in Bohemia, a century after Luther the flame of the thirty year War was still vivid. The sects which Johann Huss has given existence to, lived ever since in Bohemia, in unison with the Roman Church in the liturgy and the teachings, except the unique article of the communion which the Hussites in both forms enjoyed. This privilege has the church assembly in Basel given to the partisans of Huss in a specific contract (of the Bohemian contract) and no matter how well it would be refuted, afterwards, by the Popes, hence they continued to enjoy it under the protection of the laws.

As the use of the chalice made up the unique important sign of distinction of this sect, hence people designated them with the name of Utraquists (the people who take their communion in both ways!) and they enjoyed this name because it reminded them of such a dear privilege. However in this name hid also the much severe sect of the Brothers in Bohemia and Mähren who in a more significant manner deviated from the prevailing church rules and had a lot in common with the german Protestants. In both countries, the German as well as the swiss religious innovations made a rapid fortune and the name of Utraquists with which they knew to cover their changed principles; protected them from persecution.