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The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 5, Primitive History

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CHAPTER V.
THE CHICHIMEC PERIOD

The Chichimecs in Amaquemecan – Migration to Anáhuac under Xolotl – The Invaders at Chocoyan and Tollan – Foundation of Xoloc and Tenayocan – Xolotl II., Emperor of the Chichimecs – Division of Territory – The Toltecs at Culhuacan – Rule of Xiuhtemoc and Nauhyotl III. – Pochotl, Son of Acxitl – Conquest of Culhuacan – Death of Nauhyotl – Huetzin, King of Culhuacan – Migration and Reception of the Nahuatlaca Tribes – The Acolhuas at Coatlichan and the Tepanecs at Azcapuzalco – Nonohualcatl, King of Culhuacan – Revolt of Yacanex – Death of Xolotl II. – Nopaltzin, King at Tenayocan, and Emperor of the Chichimecs – Reigns of Achitometl and Icxochitlanex at Culhuacan – Tendencies toward Toltec Culture.

The Chichimec occupation of Anáhuac begins with the traditional invasion under Xolotl, but in order to properly understand that important event, it will be necessary to glance at the incidents which preceded and led to it.

The little that is known of the early history of the Chichimecs has been told in a former chapter; I will therefore take up the narrative at the time of King Tlamacatzin's death at Amaquemecan,450 which event occurred in the same year as the final destruction of Tollan. As I have already explained sufficiently my idea of the nature of the migrations by which Anáhuac is represented as having been re-peopled, I may relate these migrations literally, as they are given by the authorities, without constantly reminding the reader of their general signification. Tlamacatzin left two sons, Acauhtzin451 and Xolotl,452 who, after wrangling about the succession for some time, finally agreed to divide the kingdom between them.453

Now, for a great number of years a harassing system of border warfare had been carried on between the Chichimecs and the Toltecs; the former doubtless raided upon their rich and powerful neighbors for purposes of plunder, and the latter were probably not slow to make reprisals which served as an excuse for extending their already immense territory. When the Toltec troubles arose, however, and the direful prophecies of Hueman began to be fulfilled, the people of Anáhuac found that they had enough to do to take care of themselves, and that their legions could be better employed in defending the capital than in waging aggressive wars upon the distant frontiers of the empire. They therefore recalled their troops, and the Chichimec border was left undisturbed. It was not long before the brother monarchs of Amaquemecan began to wonder at this sudden cessation of hostilities, and determined to find out the cause, for they were ignorant of the struggles and final overthrow of the Toltec empire. They at once dispatched spies into the Toltec territory. In a short time these men returned with the startling announcement that they had penetrated the enemy's country for a distance of two hundred leagues from Amaquemecan, and had found all that region deserted, and the towns, formerly so strong and populous, abandoned and in ruins.

XOLOTL'S INVASION

Xolotl, who seems to have been of a more ambitious and enterprising disposition than his brother, listened eagerly to this report, which seemed to promise the fulfillment of his dreams of independent and undivided sway. Summoning his vassals to the capital, he told them what his spies had seen, and in an eloquent speech reminded them that an extension of territory was needed for their increasing population, expatiated on the richness and fertility of the abandoned region, pointed out to his hearers how easy it would be to avenge on their crippled enemies the injuries of many years, and concluded by requiring them to be ready to accompany him to conquest within the space of six months.454

It is difficult to credit the statements of the old authors respecting the number of Chichimecs that espoused Xolotl's cause. Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia state that no less than three million two hundred and two thousand men and women, besides children, rallied to his standard, leaving one million six hundred thousand subjects of Acauhtzin, and thus making it not a mere expedition, but a decided emigration. Torquemada, who fears he will not be believed if he states the actual number who took part in the exodus, takes pains to assure us that the historic paintings mention over a million warriors, commanded by six great lords, and over twenty (two?) thousand inferior chiefs and captains, and as each of these had under him more than a thousand men, the total number would approach nearer to the larger numbers than to Torquemada's unwontedly modest statement. The number was ascertained by census, taken at five different places to check the increase or decrease caused by leaving colonists along the route, by new arrivals, and especially by deserters. The counting was effected by each plebeian casting a small stone into a heap set apart for his class, and each lord or officer a larger stone into another heap. Ixtlilxochitl mentions two of these nepohualcos, or 'counting-places,' one near Oztotipac in Otompan district, and another three leagues from Ecatepec, near Mexico; while Torquemada refers to twelve similar hillocks near Tenayocan.455

 
XOLOTL'S INVASION

Having taken leave of his brother Acauhtzin, Xolotl started on his journey. Halts were made at a number of stations to gather supplies, and when camp was broken, settlers were left – generally selected from among the old and feeble – and their places filled by fresh recruits. Owing to these detentions it took the army some time to reach Chocoyan, or 'place of tears,' in Anáhuac, where many Toltec ruins were found. After proceeding some distance farther, and making several halts, Xolotl dispatched the six principal chiefs of his army, each with an appropriate force, in various directions, with instructions to explore the country, and reduce the inhabitants, if they found any, to subjection; at the same time he recommended these officers to use the people kindly, except where they offered resistance, in which case they were to be treated as enemies.456

Xolotl himself proceeded with the body of the army, and after halting in several places, he finally reached Tollan. But the ancient splendor of the Toltec capital was departed, its streets were deserted and overgrown with vegetation, its magnificent temples and palaces were in ruins, and desolation reigned where so lately had been the hum and bustle of a mighty metropolis.457 The site of Tollan being too important to be abandoned, Xolotl established some families there, which formed the nucleus of a future population. He then continued his march to Mizquiyahualan and Tecpan, and finally came to Xaltocan, on the shore of the lake of the same name, where he and his followers abode for a long time in the caves that abounded in that region, and where they subsequently founded the town of Xoloc or Xolotl, which afterwards became a city of considerable importance in Anáhuac.458

The narrative becomes somewhat confused at this point, owing to the conflicting accounts of the various authorities. It seems, however, that the Chichimecs remained for a long time, several years perhaps, at the settlement of Xoloc, doing little but sending out scouting parties to reconnoitre the immediately surrounding country. Finally, according to the majority of the Spanish writers, Xototl dispatched certain chiefs on regular exploring expeditions, and set out himself with his son Nopaltzin and a large force; journeying by way of Cempoala, Tepepulco, Oztolotl, Cohuacayan, and Tecpatepec, until he reached the hill of Atonan. Here he descried a goodly region lying to the south and east, which he at once sent his son Nopaltzin to take possession of, while he returned to Xoloc.459

CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY

Nopaltzin wandered for some time from place to place, seemingly making it his object rather to search for an inhabited country than to take possession of an uninhabited one. At first his efforts met with no success, notwithstanding he ascended several high mountains for the purpose of seeing afar off. At last he came to Tlalamoztoc, whence his view extended over the country toward Tlazalan, and Culhuacan valley,460 and Chapultepec, on the other side of the lake; throughout this region smoke arose in various places, denoting the presence of human inhabitants. Without loss of time, the prince returned to his father with the news of his discovery, passing the ruined city of Teotihuacan on his way. Xolotl had in the meantime visited the large Toltec city of Cuhuac (Culhuacan?), and had also received information of Toltec settlements on the coast and in the interior. A consultation was held, and it was decided that Tultitlan was the most eligible site for a capital. Accordingly Xolotl left Xoloc in the care of a governor and proceeded to that region and there founded Tenayocan opposite Tezcuco, on the other side of the lake.461

Brasseur's version of these events is somewhat different. He does not mention Xolotl's expedition to the hill of Atonan, though he does not omit to relate that Toltec settlements were described from that elevation by the reconnoitering parties sent out from the Chichimec camp at Lake Xaltocan; neither does he in any way refer to Nopaltzin's journey, at his father's command, to Tlalamoztoc. The reason of this difference is that according to Brasseur's version Nopaltzin was not the son of Xolotl, the first Chichimec emperor but of Amacui, one of six great chiefs, who were the first to follow in the successful invaders' wake, this they did not do, however, until after Xolotl had established himself at Tenayocan.462 It seems that this Amacui has been confounded throughout with Xolotl by the majority of the Spanish chroniclers; in their version of the events which followed the founding of Tenayocan, during a period of nearly two hundred years, the deeds of the former are all ascribed to the latter, or at least the narrative is continued without any break, and no mention is made of any change of kings.463

The Spanish writers relate that the chiefs of whom Amacui was one were attracted to Anáhuac by the reports which reached them of Xolotl's unopposed invasion, and of the richness of the land that he had appropriated.464 Upon their arrival in Anáhuac they respectfully asked the Chichimec king's permission to settle near him, and to hunt in his newly acquired territory. Xolotl evinced no jealousy, but welcomed the new-comers with generous hospitality; doubtless the politic monarch saw that such arrivals could not fail to strengthen his position, as all who came were pretty sure to acknowledge his supremacy and ally themselves to him, as chief of all the Chichimecs. From what source Amacui derived the influence which he afterwards used for his own aggrandizement is not known; it could scarcely have been from his personal power as a prince, because we are told that the number of his followers was small; but at all events, whatever were the means he used, he succeeded, at Xolotl's death, in getting elected to the throne.465 This being in all probability the true version, the events that are now to be recorded may be regarded as happening in the reign of Amacui, or Amacui Xolotl, as he was styled on his accession.

 
REMNANTS OF THE TOLTECS

One of the first acts of the new king, whom we may call Xolotl II., was to remove from his capital at Tenayocan and take up his residence at Quauhyacac, at the foot of the mountains of Tezcuco. Calling his chiefs together, he next proceeded to take formal possession of the country. The ceremony, which consisted in discharging arrows towards the cardinal points, and in burning wreaths of dry grass, and scattering the ashes towards the four quarters, was performed in the royal presence at a great number of places; the spots selected being generally the summits of mountains. He also dispatched four lords, with the necessary forces, in the direction of the four quarters, instructing them to take possession of the country along their route, but not to disturb the Toltecs, except those who offered resistance, who were to be subjected by force. Either the progress made by these four expeditions must have been very slow, or the extent of country traversed by them must have been very great, for we are told that they did not return until four years after their setting-out. The most populous Toltec settlements were found at Culhuacan, Quauhtitenco, Chapultepec, Totoltepec, Tlazalan, and Tepexomaco, all ruled by lords, and at Cholula, where two priests held the reigns of government.466 The name of the ruler at Chapultepec was Xitzin, with his wife Oztaxochitl and a son;467 at Tlazalan was Mitl with his wife Cohuaxochitl,468 and two sons, Pixahua and Axopatl,469 who, instructed by their father, afterwards revived the art of working in metals; at Totoltepec were Nacaxoc, his wife, and his son Xiuhpopoca; at Tepexomaco were Cohuatl, his wife, and his son Quetzalpopoca; at Cholula ruled Ixcax, the issue of the adulterous connection of the pontiff with the high-priestess of the Goddess of Water. All these princes hastened to acknowledge the supremacy of Xolotl II., though without actually paying him homage. Besides this, the four lords who had been dispatched to the four quarters, announced on their return that they had visited a great number of places, among which were Tehuantepec, Guatemala, and Goazacoalco.470

The invaders had hitherto met with no opposition from the few Toltecs who were left in Anáhuac; their plans had all been effected deliberately and slowly, but surely and without any trouble. Matters having now begun to assume a settled aspect, the Chichimec king at once turned his attention to a partition of lands among the nobles who had accompanied him and assisted his enterprise, and, as is usual in such cases, he dispensed with a free hand that which of right was not his to give. To each lord he assigned a defined section of the territory and a certain number of dependents, with instructions to form a town, to be named after its founder.471 Toltec cities retained their original names, and orders were issued that their inhabitants should not be interfered with, nor intruded upon by Chichimec settlers. One of the most thickly settled districts was that lying north and north-east of Tenayocan, named Chichimecatlalli, or 'land of Chichimecs.' Within its boundaries were the towns of Zacatlan, Quauhchinanco, Totoltepec, Atotonilco. Settlements were also formed on the coast, the whole extent of country appropriated by the Chichimecs being, according to Ixtlilxochitl, over two hundred leagues in circumference.472 It was about this time that Xolotl II., as supreme ruler, assumed the title of Huey Tlatoani Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, 'great lord and king of the Chichimecs.'473

AFFAIRS IN CULHUACAN

At this juncture it will be necessary to glance at the state of affairs in Culhuacan.474 It has been related how Topiltzin, when he fled from Anáhuac, left Culhuacan, the most populous of the Toltec settlements at the time of the fall of the empire, to the care of Xiuhtemoc, an old relative, who was to act as a kind of honorary king, or regent, and as such receive obedience and tribute. The Toltec monarch also entrusted to Xiuhtemoc the charge of his son Pochotl, then an infant, with instructions that the young prince should be sent to the village of Quauhtitenco, situated in a forest near the ancient capital, and there brought up in secrecy and in ignorance of his royal birth. Another of Topiltzin's relatives named Cocauhtli, who was married to Ixmixuch and had a son called Acxoquauh, seems also to have assisted Xiuhtemoc in governing Culhuacan, or at least to have had great influence there.475

For a number of years Xiuhtemoc continued to govern Culhuacan with much wisdom, and the province flourished wonderfully under his prudent administration. He never attempted to claim any other title than 'father,' and was well beloved by his subjects. In the meantime Pochotl, Topiltzin's son, grew to be a young man, of a suitable age to be associated with Xiuhtemoc, according to his father's directions. Xiuhtemoc seems, however, to have been in no hurry to draw the prince from his obscurity. What his object was in this delay, is unknown; it would appear at first sight as if he was scheming for the succession of his own son Nauhyotl, but his patriotic conduct and loyal character seems to render such a cause improbable. At all events Pochotl was still at Quauhtenanco where Xiuhtemoc died.

His son Nauhyotl, a prince well liked by the people, immediately seized the throne, and being of a more ambitious disposition than his father, lost no time in assuming the royal titles and in causing himself to be publicly proclaimed king and crowned with all the rites and ceremonies sacred to the use of the Toltec monarchs, being the third of the name on the throne of Culhuacan. According to Brasseur, two princes, Acxoquauh and Nonohualcatl, were admitted in some way to a share in the government.476

This bold act of usurpation477 met with little or no outward opposition, notwithstanding it was well known that Pochotl still lived. This was doubtless due to the critical state of affairs in Culhuacan at the time of Xiuhtemoc's death. The Chichimecs were steadily increasing in power; Xolotl seemed disposed to adopt a more decided policy toward the Toltecs than his predecessor, and it might at any moment be necessary to check his encroachments. In this condition of things it was natural that the energetic Nauhyotl, who had been brought up at court under the immediate care and instruction of his politic father, should be a more acceptable and fitting king than Pochotl, who had been brought up in total ignorance of the duties of a prince, and even of his own rights. Nevertheless, there were some who murmured secretly on seeing Topiltzin's son defrauded of his rights, and Nauhyotl being aware of this discontent, determined to set the public mind at rest. He accordingly sent for Pochotl, publicly acknowledged him as the descendant of the Toltec kings, declared his intention of leaving the crown to him at his death, and gave him the hand of his young and beautiful daughter Xochipantzin478 in marriage, all of which proceedings met with general approval both from the people and from Pochotl himself, whose unexpected elevation does not seem to have rendered him very exacting.479

RULE OF XOLOTL II

Favored by the peaceful, non-interfering policy of Xolotl I., the Toltecs at Culhuacan had increased rapidly in wealth and population. Xolotl II. seems to have grown impatient of this rivalry, and to have determined to define the position of Culhuacan and assert his own supremacy in Anáhuac without farther delay. Of the way in which he accomplished this end there is more than one version.

According to Veytia and others, he informed Nauhyotl that by right of the cession of the land of Anáhuac made to the monarch of Amaquemecan by Topiltzin,480 he should require him to do homage and pay a small tribute to the Chichimec empire in recognition of its supremacy; this done, he would recognize him as king of the Toltecs. To this demand Nauhyotl answered haughtily that Toltec kings acknowledged no superiors but the gods, and paid tribute to no earthly sovereign. Xolotl I., he added, had been permitted to enter Anáhuac and people it, because he had done so peaceably. Topiltzin's cession was invalid, and he, Nauhyotl, merely governed during the minority of the rightful heir of Pochotl, now deceased, and had no power to dispose of any rights to the land.481

Such a reply could have but one effect on the fierce Chichimec. He resolved to crush his rival at once before he became too strong, and for this purpose gave orders to Nopaltzin to advance without delay against Culhuacan. In the meantime Nauhyotl was not idle. A number of canoes were brought out to defend the water-line, and he himself issued forth at the head of a force which, though greatly inferior to the Chichimec army in point of numbers, attacked the enemy without hesitation, and succeeded in maintaining the field valorously until evening. Gradually, however, Nopaltzin's numbers began to tell, until at length the Toltecs were routed. The Chichimecs then entered Culhuacan without difficulty, despite its advantageous position. The carnage was immediately suspended and no disorder allowed. The Toltecs had suffered great loss, and among the slain was Nauhyotl, whose death was deeply deplored by his subjects and regretted by the conquerors.

CULHUAS AND CHICHIMECS

Nopaltzin gave orders that the dead king should be buried with all the usual honors, and after leaving a garrison in the town, departed to carry the news of his success to his father. This battle was the first in which the Chichimecs had engaged since their arrival in Anáhuac, and Nopaltzin was much praised for its successful issue by Xolotl. The Chichimec emperor now proceeded in person to Culhuacan, to assure the inhabitants of his good will and to receive their homage. Pochotl's first-born, Achitometl, then only five years of age, was solemnly proclaimed king, with the condition that he should pay yearly a small tribute in fish to the Chichimec government. After this amicable arrangement, the intercourse between the two nations became daily stronger, to the no small benefit of the Chichimecs.482

Torquemada gives another account of the events which led to the war. Itzmitl, who succeeded to the lordship of Coatlichan on the death of his father Tzontecoma, had a son named Huetzin by Malinalxochitl, daughter of Cozcaquauhtli of Mamalihuasco,483 for whom he was anxious to secure a temporary regency until he should in natural course succeed to the government of Coatlichan. Relying on a promise made by Xolotl I. to Tzontecoma, Itzmitl asked Xolotl II. to award his son a lordship, and pointed to Culhuacan as available since it was an unappropriated Toltec settlement, to which he had a certain right from the marriage of Tzontecoma with a member of its royal family. Xolotl informed Achitometl, a grandson of Nauhyotl, of his wish that Huetzin should stay with the king of Culhuacan until he succeeded to his own inheritance.484 Achitometl, pretending to favor the project, immediately sent information to Nauhyotl, who at once took steps to secure himself. Xolotl paid a visit to Culhuacan to make formal arrangements for the reception of his protégé, and was received with the most friendly assurances. But when Huetzin arrived, after the departure of Xolotl, an armed force opposed his entrance, and he precipitately retreated. This breach of faith caused a war, which resulted in the death of Nauhyotl, and the elevation of Huetzin to the throne.485

Brasseur's relation of these events, partly derived from the manuscripts to which he had access, differs from the others in some particulars, though it generally agrees with Torquemada's account. According to this writer, Huetzin, who, it is here stated, was Pochotl's grandson on the mother's side,486 coveted and endeavored to obtain the crown of Culhuacan prior to the arrangement made between his father and Xolotl. To gain this end he had, on account of his descent, the assistance of the Acolhuas, who were at all times disposed to reëstablish the original Toltec dynasty, and the sympathy of Xolotl II. and his son Nopaltzin, who were of course inclined to favor any scheme that would cripple Nauhyotl. The king of Culhuacan defeated Huetzin's plans for the time, however, by proclaiming Achitometl – Pochotl's eldest son, by the princess Xochipantzin, and consequently Nauhyotl's grandson – as his successor, thus restoring the ancient dynasty, and doing away with the pretext under which the pretender had won so much sympathy. It seems that the claims of Huetzin met with no farther notice until the death of Quauhtexpetlatl, a son of Nauhyotl II., who had accompanied his father into exile, and after his death had returned to Culhuacan and been associated with Nauhyotl III., the present king. Upon the death of this prince, which occurred in 1129, Xolotl entered into an agreement with the lord of Coatlichan to procure for Huetzin, the son of the latter, Quauhtexpetlatl's share in the government of Culhuacan. Hence followed the struggle, detailed by Torquemada, which resulted in Huetzin's elevation to the throne he had so long coveted.487

THE NAHUATLACA TRIBES

A digression is necessary at this point, in order to refer to the traditional arrival in Anáhuac of the Nahuatlaca tribes, which occurred at irregular intervals during a period extending from the early years of the Chichimec occupation down to, and a little beyond, the events recorded above.

NAHUATLACA MIGRATION

The original home of the Nahuatlacas was Aztlan, the location of which has been the subject of much discussion.488 The causes that led to their exodus from that country can only be conjectured;489 but they may be supposed, however, to have been driven out by their enemies, for Aztlan is described as a land too fair and bounteous to be left willingly in the mere hope of finding a better.490 The native tradition relates that a bird was heard for several days constantly repeating the word tihui, tihui, meaning 'let us go,' 'let us go.' This, Huitziton, foremost and wisest among the Nahuatlaca chiefs, took to be a message from the gods directing the people to seek a new home. In making a declaration of such moment he needed the support of another influential man. He accordingly persuaded another chief called Tecpatzin, who at first seemed sceptical, that the bird's note was nothing less than a divine message, and the two announced it as such to the people.491

Whether all the numerous tribes into which the Nahuatlacas were divided, left Aztlan at the same time, or, if not, in what order they left, it is impossible to tell. It seems, however, that after several years' wandering, a number of them were together at a place called Chicomoztoc, the famous 'seven caves.'492 The little that is known of their wanderings before reaching this point will be found in the next chapter, in connection with the Aztec migration.

The list of tribes settled at Chicomoztoc at this time comprises only seven according to most authors. They are named for the most part after the locality in which they subsequently settled in and about Anáhuac, and are as follows: the Xochimilcas, Chalcas, Tepanecs, Acolhuas, Tlahuicas, Tlascaltecs, and Aztecs or Mexicans; to which some writers add the Tarascos, Matlaltzincas, Malinalcas, Cholultecs, Huexotzincas, Cuitlahuacs, Mizquicas, and Cohuixcas.493 Some authors do not include the Acolhuas and Tepanecs; no importance is, however, to be attached to the traditional tribal divisions of the invading hordes before they settled in Anáhuac.

It was at Chicomoztoc that the separation of the Aztecs from the rest of the Nahuatlacas took place. The tradition relates that while the people were seated beneath a great tree partaking of a meal, a terrible noise was suddenly heard to issue from the summit of the tree; the idol which stood upon the altar at its foot then called the chiefs of the Aztec tribe aside and commanded them to order the other tribes to depart in advance, leaving the Aztecs at Chicomoztoc. The number of tribes that were thus sent in advance is not known; Torquemada says eight, Acosta and Duran say six,494 and others greater or smaller numbers.

ACOLHUAS AND TEPANECS

From the time of the separation we hear little more of the Nahuatlaca tribes until we find them coming into Anáhuac and settling in various parts of the country. In this manner we hear of the Xochimilcas, 'cultivators of flowers,' coming into the valley and occupying a district south of Tezcuco Lake, where they founded Xochimilco; but all we know of their former history is that they left Aquilazco, their original home, which we may suppose to have been a district of Aztlan, under a chief named Huetzalin,495 who, dying on the journey, was succeeded by Acatonal, who conducted the tribe as far as the ruined city of Tollan and there died, after having ruled twenty-three years. The tribe then proceeded under the conduct of Tlahuil Tecuhtli496 to the Culhuacan territory and attempted to settle there, one year after the accession of Huetzin.497 But the people of Culhuacan were suspicious of the new comers and drove them to the other side of the lake to a place called Teyahualco, at the same time forbidding them to settle on any part of the lands belonging to the capital. For some years the Xochimilcas remained quietly at Teyahualco, but in 1141 Tlahuil Tecuhtli pounced suddenly upon Culhuacan, and before its defenders could gain their arms he penetrated into the heart of the city and sacked it remorselessly. The inhabitants soon rallied, however, and not only drove the marauders out of the city, but pursued them as far as the site of the ancient city of Ocopetlayuca. Here Tlahuil Tecuhtli resolved to establish himself and, with the permission of the king of Culhuacan, he forthwith founded the city of Xochimilco, which subsequently became one of the principal places in Anáhuac.498 The Chalcas settled on the east side of the lake of Chalco and founded a number of towns of which the principal was Chalco. For the Tlahuicas no room could be found about the lake; they therefore proceeded to a district south of Mexico, where before long a number of settlements rose around their capital Quauhnahuac.499 Of the other tribes included by some authors among the Nahuatlacas, we find the Tarascos settled in Michoacan, the Matlaltzincas in the province of that name, and extending towards Michoacan; the Malinalcas in the province of Malinalco; the Cuitlahuacs in the province of Cuitlahuac; the Mizquicas in Mizquic; the Cohuixcas in Guerrero.500

ACOLHUAS AND TEPANECS

The Tepanecs and Acolhuas become prominent in the affairs of Anáhuac at this period, that is, during the reign of the Chichimec emperor Xolotl II. They were among the numerous bands that contributed to the overthrow of the Toltec empire, and are classed by several writers among the Nahuatlaca tribes.501 One of their chiefs, Tzontecoma of Coatlichan, was, as we have seen, the grandfather of Huetzin, the present king of Culhuacan. The event that brings them into prominent notice at this time is their tendering allegiance to Xolotl II. In doing this they claimed descent from the Citin,502 illustrious for nobility of race and for heroic deeds. According to many of the Spanish writers the Otomís came into Anáhuac and tendered their allegiance to Xolotl II. in company with the Acolhuas and Tepanecs. We have already seen, however, that the Otomís were one of the most ancient nations of Anáhuac, and were there long before the Toltecs; this reputed entry of theirs was perhaps nothing more than their coming in from the mountains and adopting, to a certain extent, a civilized life.503 The story goes that Xolotl II. and his son Nopaltzin were flattered by the propositions of these powerful chiefs and entertained their guests right royally. Nor did the Chichimec monarch delay to confer upon the three principal chiefs substantial marks of his favor and consideration. To the lord Acolhua with the Tepanecs he assigned several districts south of Tenayocan, with Azcapuzalco for a capital, and gave him the hand of his eldest daughter, Cuetlaxochitl, in marriage; the lord of the Otomís received the emperor's second daughter, and a district four or five leagues north of Azcapuzalco, with Xaltocan for its capital; Tzontecoma, the third chief, a young man, was awarded for the Acolhua home a district one league south of Tezcuco, with Coatlichan for a capital, and, as Xolotl had no more daughters, he was given for a wife the princess next in rank.504 It was in compensation for this inferior marriage that Xolotl afterwards obtained the throne of Culhuacan for Tzontecoma's grandson, Huetzin, according to Torquemada's account given on a preceding page. The three marriages were celebrated at Tenayocan with extraordinary pomp, and were followed by a succession of public games, gladiatorial exhibitions, and amusements of all sorts, which lasted sixty days.

450Whether this Amaquemecan was the original home of the Chichimecs or not is uncertain. According to Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 355, it certainly was not, since he states that it was founded in 958 by Xolotl Tochinteuctli. The ancestors of the Xolotl who invaded Anáhuac, he adds, tom. ii., p. 199, 'sortis de Chicomoztoc, avaient conquis le royaume d'Amaquemé, où ils avaient établi leur résidence.' Concerning the location and extent of Amaquemecan the authorities differ greatly. Thus Ixtlilxochitl gives its area as 2000 by 1000 leagues, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 335. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 40, places its frontier 200 leagues north of Jalisco, which Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 132, thinks too near, since no traces of it exist, he says, within 1200 miles. Boturini, Idea, p. 141, places Amaquemecan in Michoacan. Arlegui, Chrón. Zacatecas, p. 7, among the wild tribes north of New Mexico. Cabrera, Teatro, p. 58, in Chiapas.
451Spelled also Achcauhtzin, and Axcauhtzin.
452'L'étymologie du nom de Xolotl offre de grandes difficultés. Dans son acceptation ordinaire, il signifie esclave, valet, servant, et cependant on le voit appliqué à plusieurs princes comme un titre très-élevé. Lorenzana, dans ses annotations aux Lettres de Fernand Cortès, le traduit par Ojo, œil, et on le lui donna, dit-il, à cause de sa vigilance. Mais dans quelle langue a-t-il cette signification?' Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 199.
453So says Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 39; but according to Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 231, Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 337, and Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 200, Acauhtzin reigned alone. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 133, affirms that the old king divided the kingdom equally between his two sons.
454Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 40-1, gives in full Xolotl's speech to his lords. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 337, relates that he appointed Oyome as the rendezvous. Brasseur de Bourbourg, as before stated, does not suppose Xolotl to have shared the Chichimec throne with his brother Acauhtzin; he therefore tells the story as if Xolotl induced the great nobles to favor his project of invasion by his eloquence and argument, but used no kingly authority in the matter. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 302-3, tom. ii., pp. 3-4, 13, assigns an altogether different cause for the Chichimec invasion of Anáhuac. He affirms that when Topiltzin (Acxitl), the Toltec monarch, fled from Tollan, he went to Acauhtzin, the Chichimec sovereign, to whom he was distantly related, told him his sorrows, and ceded in his favor all rights to a land which he refused to revisit; whereupon Acauhtzin invested his brother Xolotl with the sovereignty of Tollan. The date of the events recorded above is very uncertain. Veytia states that the Chichimecs left their country for Anáhuac in 1117, one year after the fall of the Toltec dynasty. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 7. Ixtlilxochitl allows a period of four to six years to elapse before their arrival at Tollan; as usual, this writer is not consistent with himself in different parts of his work, and places the arrival in various years between 962 and 1015. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 208, 337, 395, 451. Torquemada, always avoiding exact dates, gives on one page an interval of five years between the destruction of the Toltec empire and the arrival of the Chichimecs, and on another page an interval of nine years between the former event and the departure from Amaquemecan. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 45-6. Clavigero places the Chichimec arrival at Anáhuac in 1170. Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 132, tom. iv., pp. 40-51. Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 233, allows a lapse of nine years between the Toltec fall and the Chichimec arrival.
455Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 44; Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., pp. 231-2; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 337, 375; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 4, 8-9. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 134, expresses his disbelief in the numbers given. 'Rien ne justifie les millions que lui assignent les auteurs; ils ont compris évidement sous ce chiffre exagéré les diverses émigrations qui se succédèrent depuis lors sans interruption dans la vallée jusqu'à la fondation du royaume d'Acolhuacan.' Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 202.
456Brasseur gives the names of these six chiefs, as: Acatomatl, Quautlapal, Cozcaquauh, Mitliztac, Tecpan, and Itzaquauh, giving Ixtlilxochitl and Torquemada as his authorities; the latter writer, however, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 44, distinctly affirms that only one chief, Acatomatl, was sent in advance.
457Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 134, states that they reached Tollan in eighteen months from the time of their departure from Amaquemecan. Ixtlilxochitl gives the date as 5 Tecpatl. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 395.
458'Les auteurs sont généralement d'accord pour placer la date de cet établissement de l'an 1070 à 1080. Quelques-uns le portent exactement à l'an 1068. Xoloc, aujourd'hui Xoloque, village de fort peu d'importance, à 12 l. environ au nord de Mexico, et à 3 l. du lac de San-Cristoval. Une autre explication met cette localité au pied d'une colline, à une lieue environ vers le nord de Xaltocan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.; tom. ii., p. 214. See also, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 8-10.
459Cempoala was twelve leagues north of Mexico; Tepepulco was four leagues farther east. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 42.
460Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 43, writes Tlatzalan and Coyohuacan.
461Founded 1120, Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 12. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 338-9; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 42-4.
462'Le Codex Xolotl, qui fait partie de la coll. de M. Aubin, donne positivement Amacui pour père et pour prédécesseur de Nopaltzin.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 224.
463'Xolotl étant le titre du chef principal des Chichimèques, il convenait à l'un aussi bien qu'à l'autre. Tout concourt, d'ailleurs, à prouver que, dans le Xolotl des auteurs, il y a eu divers personnages; c'est le seul moyen d'expliquer cette longue vie de près de deux cents ans qu'ils lui accordent.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 224.
464Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 46-7; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 339-40; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 28; Boturini, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 232; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 14.
465Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 224-6.
466'Porque fué una de las que ménos padecieron en el estrago pasado.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 18.
467Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 44, spells this ruler's name Ecitin, which, says Brasseur, 'signifie les trois lièvres, de Citli, qui est le singulier, au pluriel Citin. S'agit-il ici d'un seul individu ou de trois du nom de Citin, cité ailleurs comme celui d'une famille célèbre de laquelle prétendaient descendre les Alcohuas?' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 209.
468'Descendants du grand Nauhyotl.' Id.
469Spelled Acxopal by Brasseur.
470Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 17-19; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 333-4, 339; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 226-8.
471'Repartióla por las sinosidades, cuevas, y rincones de las serranias, proporcionándola á la caza.' Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., p. 18; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 232-3.
472For names of places peopled by the Chichimecs see Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., pp. 460, 209. See also Id., pp. 339, 395, 451; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 45; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 134; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 14-5; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., pp. 12-13.
473To which his descendants added Huactlatohuani, 'lord of the world.' Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 451.
474The inhabitants of this province were known as Culhuas, and are not to be confounded with the Acolhuas, notwithstanding many of the old writers make no distinction between the two peoples.
475Veytia writes the names of those who governed at Culhuacan; Xiuhtemoc, with his wife Ozolaxochitl, and son Nauhyotl; and Catauhtlix with his wife Ixmixuch and son Acxocuauh. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 18. Torquemada writes them respectively: Xiuhthemal, Oceloxroch, Coyol; Cocauhtli, Yhuixoch, Acxoquauh. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 45. Boturini writes: Xiuchtimatl, Oceloxochitl, Coyotl; Cocoahtli, Yhyozochtl, Acxoquauhtli. Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., p. 232; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough, vol. ix., p. 333.
476Brasseur states that according to the Codex Chimalpopoca, Acxoquauh was a younger brother of Nauhyotl; we have already seen this prince spoken of, however, as the son of Cocauhtli, Xiuhtemoc's associate; see note 26. Nonohualcatl, says Brasseur, was, without doubt, Nauhyotl's eldest son. 'C'est ce qui parait d'après la manière dont ce prince succéda au trône après Huetzin, avant Achitometl ou Ameyal.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 222.
477Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 222, objecting to the term usurpation in this connection, writes: 'La loi toltèque excluait du sang suprême tout prince qui se montrait d'avance incapable de l'occuper. C'était probablement le cas où se trouvait Pochotl. Ixtlilxochitl et Veytia, qui accusent Nauhyotl d'usurpation, avaient oublié ou ignoraient la loi de succession toltèque.' It is not probable, however, that Topiltzin either forgot or was ignorant of the Toltec law of succession, when he directed that his son should be associated with Xiuhtemoc when he came of suitable age.
478Also called Texochipantzin. Torquemada gives the name of Pochotl's wife Huitzitzilin, though whether he refers to the same lady is not certain. Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 56.
479Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 18-23; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 340; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 220-3.
480The reader will recollect that Veytia affirms that Topiltzin Acxitl fled to his relative Acauhtzin, brother of Xolotl I., and ceded to him his right to Anáhuac.
481According to Brasseur, these or similar overtures occurred in the reign of Xolotl I. Xolotl's ambassadors, he says, 'avaient plus d'une fois pressenti Xiuhtemal à ce sujet, mais celui-ci, trop prudent et trop ami de sa patrie, appréhendant, sans doute, de rendre les Chichimèques trop puissants, avait constamment éludé ses propositions en faisant valoir les droits de Pochotl, à qui seul il appartiendrait de prendre une décision dans cette matière délicate, une fois qu'il aurait été mis en possession du trône.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 221.
482Year 1141. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 30-5. 984 to 1190. Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 209, 342-3, 396, 452.
483Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 45-6. According to Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 238, this lady was the eldest daughter of Pochotl. Tzontecoma was one of the Acolhua chiefs, as will be seen hereafter.
484The meaning of this request is not clear. It was probably Xolotl's design to get Huetzin into Culhuacan under pretense of learning the art of government – though it would seem he might have done this at his father's court – and then by some strategem place him upon the throne.
485Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 57-8. Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia give a different version of this affair of Huetzin's. Itzmitl, or Ixmitl, (known also as Tlacoxin, or Tlacoxinqui) proceeded to Tezcuco, where Xolotl was superintending the construction of a palace and garden, and reminded him of a promise of extra favors made to Tzontecoma, by way of compensation for the inferior bride which he had been compelled to accept; whereupon Xolotl gave the lordship of Tepetlaoztoc to his son Huetzin. This occurred, says Veytia, in 1207, more than 60 years after the Culhuacan war. Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 46-7; Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 341-2.
486See .
487Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 237-51.
488Aztlan 'était située au nord-ouest de la Californie… C'est l'opinion d'un grand nombre d'écrivains. M. Aubin croit qu'ils habitaient la péninsule appelée aujourd'hui la basse Californie, et que là était Aztlan.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 292. Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., p. 179, and Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 53, followed by Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., pp. 6-7, 19, place Aztlan north of 42° N. lat.; Foster, Pre-Hist. Races, pp. 340-1, Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 20, refer to the account of Oñate's explorations in New Mexico, Doc. Hist. Mex., série iii., tom. iv., pp. 32, 47-8, 111-12, 625, and point to the golden Copalla, with its rumored Aztec-speaking people. See also, Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 454; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 68; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 40-9. Fontaine, How the World was Peopled, pp. 149-50, reminds us that the Aztec tl sound is found in the N.W., and considers the mounds in the N.E. to be evidences of Aztec wanderings. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 41; Chevalier, Mexique, pp. 54-5. Prichard, Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., pp. 514-16, regards the Moquis in Arizona as the most northern Aztec remnants. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 156-9, places Aztlan north of the Colorado River, in accordance with some maps of the 16th century, and regards this stream as the water said to have been crossed on the migration, whilst Boturini, Idea, pp. 126-8, holds this to be the Gulf of California. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 298, 301; Rios, Compend. Hist. Mex., p. 11. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 79-82, 134-5, traces Nahuatlaca routes north of Mexico. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 1, looks to Florida for the ancient home. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 144, identifies Aztlan with the later Chicomoztoc, like Acosta and Duran, but locates it in the Jalisco region. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 283. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 91, ventures a little farther north, to Sonora; see also, Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. ii., pp. 143-55. Gallatin, in Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 128, considers Aztlan to have been near Culiacan, but on p. 205, and in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 281, he seems to favor the more direct north. Cabrera, Teatro, pp. 94-6, advances some argument for its location in Chiapas. See also, Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 532-3. Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 45, remarks that the palm-tree on the migration-map indicates a southern origin, but Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., p. 7, considers that this may be a thoughtless insertion of the painter. See remarks on pp. of this volume, and pp. 681-4, 788-9 of vol. iv. For further remarks on position of Aztlan, and origin of Nahuatlacas, see: Norman's Rambles in Yuc., pp. 266-7; Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 54, et seq., Brasseur de Bourbourg, Esquisses, pp. 27-8; Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 191-7; Id., Popol Vuh, pp. clxxxiii. – cxcvi.; Bradford's Amer. Antiq., pp. 203-5; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., pp. 192-4; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 89-90; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 284; Smith's Human Species, pp. 252-3; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 323.
489Gallatin, Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact., vol. i., p. 205, thinks they may have had a share in the dismemberment of the Toltec empire, or may have seized the opportunity offered by the Toltec emigration to enter into the deserted lands. Cabrera states that they were driven from Aztlan. Teatro, p. 94.
490Duran gives the description of Aztlan given by Cueuhcoatl to Montezuma the elder: 'Nuestros Padres moraron en equel felice y dichoso Lugar que llamáron Aztlán, que quiere decir "Blancura." En este Lugar hay un gran Cerro en medio del agua, que llamaban Culhuacan, por que tiene la punta algo retuerta hácia abajo, y à esta causa se llama Culhuacan, que quiere decir "Cerro tuerto." En este Cerro habia unas bocas ó cuebas ó concavidados donde habitáron nuestros Padres y Abuelos por muchos años: alli tubiéron mucho descanso debajo de este Nombre Mexitin y Azteca: alli gozaban de mucho cantidad de Patos, de todo género de gazzas; de cuerbos marinos, y Gallinas de agua, y de Gallaretas; gozaban del canto y melodia de los Pájaros de las cabezas coloradas y amarillas; gozáron de muchas diferencias de grandes y hermosos Pescados; gozáron de gran frescura de arboledas, que habia por aquellas riberas, y de Fuentes cercadas de sauces y de Sabinas y de Alisos grandes y hermosos; andaban en canoas, y hacian camellones en que sembraban maiz, chile, tomates, huauhtli, frisoles, y de todo genero de semillas de las que comemos,' &c. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 27.
491Ramirez, in García y Cubas, Atlas; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom., i., p. 78; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 157-8; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 17; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. i., p. 3; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 399-300. The date of the departure is shown by the maps to be Ce Tecpatl, which is calculated by Chimalpain, Gallatin, Gama, and Veytia to be 1064, based on the hypothesis that the adjustment of the calendar in the year Ce Tochtli, which took place during the journey, corresponds to 1090. Brasseur would probably assign a later date, since he writes: 'Les annales mexicaines nous montrent généralement les premières tribus de cette nation à Aztlan en l'an 1 Tecpatl, 1064.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 292.
492Chicomoztoc is placed by Clavigero about twenty miles south of Zacatecas, but is regarded by Duran, Acosta, and others, as identical with, or within the region of Aztlan. According to Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 293, they arrived here 1116. Hellwald, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 339, agrees with this date, by making them arrive at Chicomoztoc 26 years after their departure from Aztlan, which, he says, took place in 1090. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 92, states that they arrived 104 years after their departure. On the Gemelli map Oztotlan, 'place of grottoes,' is given as a place where they halted for a long time, from 160 to 200 years after leaving Aztlan, and may be the same as Chicomoztoc. Camargo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 145, says that the Tlascaltecs, who according to most authors were one of the Nahuatlaca tribes, arrived at Chicomoztoc in the year 5 Tochtli.
493See Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 455-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 2; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 228, 247; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 151; Hellwald, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 339; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 78; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 17; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 7-9; Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 154; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 864; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 482; Humboldt, Vues, tom. ii., pp. 168-71; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 145. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives as the tribes that left Aztlan: the Huexotzincas, Chalcas, Xochimilcas, Quitlahuacas, Malinalcas, Chichimecas, Tépanecas, and Matlaltzincas. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 292.
494Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 78-9; Hist. de las Ynd., p. 454; Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 2. On Boturini's map the hieroglyphs of the eight tribes are seen at Chicomoztoc for the last time; the priests or leaders of the Aztecs alone pursue the remainder of the course. As the Aztec hieroglyph does not appear to be included among these eight, it might be assumed that the Aztecs were composed of certain families belonging to one or more of the eight tribes, but this does not appear to be the view taken by the authorities. Gondra, in Prescott, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. iii., pp. 25-6, remarks that the map indicates a consultation of six of the families with their god, and the departure of two. The non-recurrence of the tribal hieroglyphs he explains by saying that the families are henceforth designated only by the chiefs who lead them. This map cannot, however, be expected to be more accurate than the sources from which Torquemada, Acosta, and others, derived their information.
495Quetzalin according to Brasseur, who adds: 'Dans le texte, il y a Huetzalin, ce qui est probablement une faute du copiste.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 263. This chief may possibly be the same as Huitziton.
496Veytia names this chief Xochimilco, which Brasseur says 'ne peut être qu'une erreur.' Id., p. 264.
497Id. Ixtlilxochitl and Veytia place the arrival of the Xochimilcas in Tlotzin's reign. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 458; Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 88. Duran says they were the first to leave Chicomoztoc, and the third to arrive in Anáhuac. This writer gives a number of places founded by them besides Xochimilco. Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 2., 13. Acosta says they were the first to arrive. Hist. de las Ynd., p. 488.
498Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 88-9; Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 458; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 263-4.
499Now Cuernavaca.
500Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 92-3, 141-3.
501Many writers who do not directly connect the Acolhuas with the Nahuatlacas, assert that they came from the same region, and were of the same race. Clavigero places the ancient home in Teoacolhuacan, near Amaquemecan. Veytia considers them to be the descendants of Toltec colonists who were settled along the Pacific coast. Ixtlilxochitl affirms that they were neighbors of the Huehue Tlapallan Toltecs and of Chichimec stock.
502'Citin, pluriel de Citli, lièvre, nom apparemment d'une tribu du Nord, comme les Pied-Noir, les Serpents, etc.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 232. Rios, Compend. Hist. Mex., p. 7, says they derived their origin from the family of Citin or Ulcua. Motolinia says of the Acolhuas: 'Este nombre los quedó de un valiente capitan que tuvieron … Acoli, que así se llama aquel hueso que vá desde el codo hasta el hombro, y del mismo hueso llaman al hombro Acoli.' He was very brave, and taller than other men. Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 11. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 301, says that they claimed descent from a valiant chief named Chichimecatlh, who once tied a strap round the arm of Quetzalcoatl, near the shoulder. This was regarded as a great feat, for it was said that he that could bind a god could bind all men.
503Brasseur de Bourbourg says nothing about the Otomís coming in with the Acolhuas and Tepanecs at this time.
504This, according to Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 51-4, who is followed by Brasseur, was Coatetl, daughter of Chalchiuhtlatonac, or Chalchiuhtlanetzin, lord of Chalco, who, says Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 231, 'paraît avoir été l'un des frères ou des fils de Nauhyotl II.' According to other authors, Tzontecoma's bride was named Cihuatetzin, and her father was a Toltec, lord of Tlalmanalco. Each of these names is spelled in a great variety of ways. See Ixtlilxochitl, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 341, 395, 452; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., pp. 39-43; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 136-7; Granados y Galvez, Tardes Amer., pp. 19, 142-3; Müller, Reisen, tom. iii., p. 45; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 526; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. i., p. 3; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 92.